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HISTORY 



OF THE 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830: 



WITH « 



AJmIm the AXrZSCDOTISS 

RELATING TO IT. 



•^^ By J. S. & C. C. 




" Libertas, carissima populo!" — Sallust. 

PHILADELPHIA: 

1830. 



U II I 



THE LIBRARY 
OF CONGRESS 

WASHINGTON 



Eastern District of Pennsylvania^ to idit i 

BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the eiehth day of ficcemfeer^ 
in the fifty-fifth year of the independence of the United States of 
America, A.D. 1830, J. S. & C. C. of the said district, have deposited 
in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim a» 
proprietors, in the words following, to wit : 

"History of the French Retolution of 1830 : with all the Anecdotes 
relating to it. ByJ. S. &C.C. 

*' Libertas, carissima populo !" Sallust. 

In conformity to the act of the Cong^ress of the United States, intituled^ 
•* An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies 
of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such co' 
pies, during the times therein mentioned"— and also to the act, enti* 
tied, " An act supplementary to an act, entitled, 'An act for the en- 
couragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and 
books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times 
therein mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of 
desigmng) engraying) and etching historical and other prints." 

D. CALDWELL, 
Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.^ 



TO 



PETER S. DUPONCEAU, LL.D. 

PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, 
AND ATHENJEUM OE PHILADELPHIA, 

CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, 



THE FOLLOWING PAGES, 

EMBRACING THE 

HISTORY OF A MEMORABLE ERA IN THE 
ANNALS OF HIS COUNTRY, 

ARE, 

Pfith great respect and consideration^ 
DEDICATED, 

BY 

THE AUTHORS. 



PREFACE. 



Among tlie events that transpired on the 
eastern continent, during this century, none 
appear in a political point ol'view, so preg- 
nant with interest and importance as those 
of which we are about to give the minutes. 
The recent revolution of France has made 
an axiom of the trite adage, so long des- 
pised by monarchs, that '^ the will of the 
people is sovereign." History does not re- 
cord a revolution so gloriously conceived 
and so rapidly executed. In other times. 
Liberty, like a prude, had to undergo a ce- 
remonious, delusive, and tedious course of 
courtship ; her glimpses were few and far 
between; and what seemed favours from 
her, were only smiles : but France, laying 
aside the trammels of formality and time, 
flew to the goddess, and at once embraced 
her. Three days saw the Fi'ench hurl the 
despot from his throne, disperse his minions, 
model their government, and erect the fane 



IV . PREFACE. 

of liberty on the ruins of aristocracy. We 
have only to regret that their enthusiasm 
was not of longer duration, and that they 
permitted a relique of the despotic family of 
the Bourbons, however restricted his power, 
to wield a sceptre over them. Undoubtedly 
they fought for republicanism, and they 
should have obtained it; but, as the illus- 
trious Count de Survilliers remarks, and 
we coincide in his judgment, <^the fate of 
the revolution is not yet decided." The rea- 
sons of influential men (who, by the way, 
lost neither a drop of blood nor sweat in the 
revolution) for installing tlie Duke of Or- 
leans, are nugatory and unsatisfactory. 

With regard to our work, we have only 
to remark, that a part of it comprises a free 
translation of a Parisian pamphlet, entitled 
^^ L'Histoire de la R6g6n6ration de la Li- 
berty." 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 



^^ '*>T^ ^5 Ot4*' •" 



CHAPTER I. 



State of France. — Charles the Tenth by an Ordinance 
dissolves the Chamber, suspends the Liberty of the 
Press, and changes the Electoral System. — Effects of 
this Policy. 

26th, 27th or July, 1830. 

The elections had just terminated to the 
great and unanimous satisfaction of France. 
The most profound calm, and perfect order 
reigned as well in Paris as in the depart- 
ments. The citizens could not credit the 
report, notwithstanding the reiterated me- 
naces of ministerial journals, that the court 
had resolved on striking the blow with the 
political sword so repeatedly brandished 
over their heads, and as uniformly returned, 

A 2 



6 HISTORY OF THE 

in dread, to its scabbard. They could not 
imagine that audacity, associated with mad- 
ness, would hurry their rulers to the execu- 
tion of such a flagitious scheme, and awaited 
with confidence the dawn of the next day, 
when their assembled deputies should adju- 
dicate a ministry which had been for one 
year an incubus on the country, compromis- 
ing its honour, and undermining its liber- 
ties. 

The royal government seemed to have re- 
nounced every hostile project against the 
chambers. Sealed letters had been address- 
ed to the peers of France^ the session was 
to open on the third of August. 

But while the citizens, full of confidence 
in the legal order, expected justice from the 
firmness and devotion of their commission- 
ers, the most execrable intrigues were plot- 
ling at court, and the project which they 
imagined the ministry dared not attempt, 
was on the eve of being accomplished. 

It is a remarkable circumstance, that the 
secret had been religiously kept, and the peo- 
ple, full of respect for the duties imposed on 
them, should feel themselves as full of confi- 
dence in their chartered rights, even at the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF \B2&. 7 

very moment when every thing was wrested 
from them. 

All at once, on the morning of the 26th of 
July, the Moniteur announced to France that 
the work of iniquity so often and so long- 
menaced, was at length consummated: One 
ordinance suspends the liberty of the press; 
another dissolves the chamber, not yet as- 
sembled; a third changes and upsets the law 
of elections, the real palladium of French 
liberty. It was under cover, and in the name, 
of the charter, that the charter itself was 
violated; the fourteenth article stating that 
the king makes ordinances for the execution of 
the lawSy was wofully tortured, and the pact 
between the nation and the king was wrested 
to prove the divine right, the constituent 
power, and a mass of other absurdities as 
odious as they are infamous. 

The despotic decree for dissolving the 
chamber of deputies is couched in the fol- 
lowing words: 

CHARLES^ ^c. To all those to ivhom these 
presents may come^ Greeting: 

In consequence of article 50, of the Con- 
stitutional charter. 



8 HISTORY OF THE 

Being informed of the manoeuvres that 
have been practised in many quarters of our 
kingdom, to deceive and mislead the electors 
during the last operations of the electoral 
colleges. 

Our council being heard, 

We have ordained and do ordain: 

Article I. The Chamber of Deputies of 
the Departments is dissolved. 

II. Our minister. Secretary of State of the 
Interior, is charged with the execution of the 
present ordinance. 

Given at St. Cloud, July 25, of the year 
of Grace, 1830, and of our reign the 6th. 

CHARLES. 

By the King. 

The President of the Council of Ministers, 
Count de Peyronnet. 

The ordinance for suspending the liberty 
of the press ran as follows: 

CHARLES, 8rc, 
Upon the report of our Council of Ministers, 
we have ordained and do ordain, as follows; — 

Article I. The liberty of the periodical 
press is suspended. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 9 

IL The dispositions of articles 1st, 2d, 
and 9th, of the law of Oct. 21, 1814, are fully 
restored. 

Consequently, no periodical or semi-pe- 
riodical journal and writinr^, established or 
to be established, without distinction of the 
matters which shall be treated of therein, 
can appear either in Paris or in the depart- 
ments, but by virtue of the authorization 
which the authors and printers shall have 
obtained separately from us. 

This authorization must be renewed every 
three months. 

It may be revoked. 

III. The authorization may be provision- 
ally granted and provisionally withdrawn by 
the Prefects from the journals, and periodi- 
cal or semi-periodical works published or to 
be published in the departments. 

IV. The journals and writings published 
in contravention of Art. 2, shall be immedi- 
ately seized. The presses and types which 
may have been used in printing them, shall 
be placed in a public depot under seal, or 
shall be put out of use. 

V. No writing under twenty sheets shall 
appear without the authorization of our Mi' 



10 HISTORY OF THE 

nister, Secretary of State of the Interior at 
Paris, and of the Prefects in the departments. 
Every writing of more than twenty sheets 
which shall not constitute a complete work 
of itself, shall be also required to be autho- 
rized. Writings published without authori- 
zation shall be immediately seized. The 
presses and types which shall have been used 
in printing them, shall be placed in a public 
depot and under seal, or put out of use. 

VI. Memoirs of learned or literary socie- 
ties shall be submitted to the previous autho- 
rization, if they treat in the whole or in part 
of political matters, in which case the mea- 
sures prescribed in Art. 3, shall be applica- 
ble to them. 

VII. Every disposition contrary to the pre- 
sent ordinance shall be void. 

VIII. The execution of the present ordi- 
nance shall take place in conformity with the 
4th article of the ordinance of the 27th Nov. 
1816, and of what is prescribed by that of 
Jan. 18, 1817. 

IX. Our Ministers, Secretaries of State, 
shall be charged with the execution of the 
present ordinance. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 11 

Given at our Castle of St. Cloud, the 25th 

of July, 1830, and the sixth of our reign. 

CHARLES. 
By the King. 

The President of the Council of Mi- 
nisters, Prince de Polignac. 

The Keeper of the Seals, Minister Se- 
cretary of State and of Justice, 

Chantelauze. 

The Minister Secretary of State for 
the Department of the Finances, 

MONTBEL. 

The Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs 
and of Public Instruction, 

The Count Guernon Ranville. 

The Minister, Secretary of State of 
Public Works, Baron Cappelle. 

Next succeeded an ordinance materially 
changing the rules of election, to which was 
appended the decree for the convocation of 
a new Chamber. 

CHARLES^ ^c. By the Grace of God, 
King of France and Navarre. To all those 
to whom these presents may come, greeting: 
In accordance with the royal ordinance, bear- 
ing date of this day, relative to the organiza- 
tion of the Electoral Colleges, upon the re- 



12 HISTORY OF THE 

port of our Minister of the Interior, we have 
ordained and ordain as follows: 

Art* I. The Electoral Colleges shall as- 
semble, namely, the electoral colleges of ar- 
rondissement, the sixth of September next; 
and the electoral college of the Departments, 
the 18th of the same month. 

II. The Chamber of Peers and the Chamber 
of the Deputies of Departments are convoked 
for the 28th of the month of September next. 

III. Our Minister of the Interior is charged 
with the execution of the present ordinance. 

Given at our Palace of St. Cloud, the 25th 
of July, in the year of our Lord 1830, and the 
sixth of our reign. CHARLES. 

By the King. 
The Minister of the Interior, 

Count de Peyronnet. 

In a moment these ordinances were known 
to the people, who crowded into the public 
places to read them; they were restless and 
agitated; imprecations escaped from every 
lip, and this dereliction of legal order which 
the nation experienced was succeeded by a 
thirst for vengeance, which every instant 
seemed to render more insupportable. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 13 

Towards evening", however, affairs assumed 
a more peaceful appearance^ the melancholy- 
surprise was followed by a sentiment of con- 
fidence in the patriotism of the people; they 
relied on the power of public opinion, to 
judge of the exaggerated and ridiculous pre- 
tensions of the monarch, a bigoted dotard, 
whose whole life had been but one prolonged 
period of infancy; they gave vent to their 
indignation, but no disturbance yet manifest- 
ed itself; it was still easy to perceive that a 
future explosion was inevitable. Before the 
close of day numerous groups of people as- 
sembled in every quarter; they met at the 
Palais-Royale ; consulted, proposed resist- 
ance; the thunder-cloud lowered and thicken- 
ed every instant; the citizens felt the advan- 
tage of their position; it was in the name of 
the law, it was for their plighted fidelity that 
they deliberated on their defence. Some 
mounted on chairs in the garden and ha- 
rangued the pressing crowd around them; 
indignation warmed them into eloquence, and 
their words found in every place an echo. 

As to the ministry, it was calm; it had 
counted on some agitation, but it hoped that^ 
the soldiers would be able to enforce obe- 



14 HISTORY OF THE 

dience on the citizens, by the point of the 
bayonet. About ten o'clock many platoons 
of these soldiers burst into the garden, and 
the gleaming- bayonets were pointed against 
the unarmed citizens. In a moment they 
were surrounded, broken on every side; their 
insolent summonses were answered by hoot- 
ings, and they who entered the garden with 
the intention of clearing it, were the first to 
retreat from its limits. 

These first tumults did not intimidate the 
infamous violators of liberty. They counted 
on rallying, and left the reclamations of the 
people to be answered by the swords of the 
soldiery; the massacres of Rue St. Denis was 
present to their memories, and the laurels of 
Delavau disturbed the slumbers of Mangin, 
On the morning of Tuesday, this last person 
called to him the commander of the soldiery. 
He conversed with him on the subject of the 
resistance, by which the orders of the perju- 
red king would be inevitably confronted, and 
proposed to him to arrest immediately every 
peer and deputy on the opposition, who 
should be found in Paris. " What think you 
of this measure?" asked he. " It would be 
excellent if it were complete.'* " What do 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 15 

you mean to say?*' " That we should take 
in, with the deputies and peers of whom you 
spoke, all the editors on the opposition.'* 
" I thought of that at first, but after mature 
reflection, it appeared to me, that such a 
plan would be making too much of these 
scribblers." " It is not sufficient to strike 
straight, but strong." " Thus you take upon 
yourself to arrest the peers and deputies?" 
" Doubtless, but I must have a written 
order" 

Mangin was not prepared to hear such a 
demand 5 his heart failed him, and he refused 
to sign the order. 

The minister Polignac, however, neglect- 
ed nothing to insure a complete and easy 
victory^ wine and brandy were lavished in 
the barracks; cartridges were distributed, 
and each soldier of the royal guard received 
an augmentation of ten francs to his pay. 

On the evening of the 26th there was no 
other disturbance than that which occurred 
at the Palais-Royale, and which the gen- 
darmes endeavoured to allay; the ordinance 
was then known only to a few citizens; but 
on the next morning, all Paris knew it; they 
knew that the liberty of the press was sus- 



16 HISTORY OF THE 

pended, that the elections were broken up, 
that the law by virtue of which those elec- 
tions were made, was annulled; and the min- 
istry, as if they had not already committed 
enough of crimes, accompanied these orders 
by an insulting raillery. It was, said they, 
for respect to the charter, established be- 
tween the people and power, that power 
tore up the charter, and trampled it under 
foot! At the heel of these ordinances came 
forth another, which conferred the title of 
counsellors of state on men long and justly 
attached to public opinion; there were Du- 
don, Delavau, Franchet, and Conny. 

Such extravagant hardihood appeared in- 
credible; every one asked himself if he was 
not the dupe of some guilty mystification; 
when Mangin dissipated their doubts, by 
causing an ordinance to be placarded, for- 
bidding the public establishments to receive 
or distribute the independent journals that 
would have the courage to brave and oppose 
the insolent ordinances. At the same time 
the commissaries of police and gendarmes 
surrounded the offices of liberal papers for 
the purpose of seizing the presses, breaking 
up the forms, and violating the editors' desks 
by open force. The editors every where re- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. If 

fused obedience, and it was found necessary 
to burst open the doors to get into the print- 
ing offices. 

Full of confidence in the magistracy, seve- 
ral journalists immediately presented a peti- 
tion to Mr. Debelleyme, president of the first 
tribunal of law cases, who instantly sent 
them the following ordinance of report: 

" Whereas the royal ordinance of the king, 
in July 25th, relative to the periodical press,' 
has not been promulgated according to the 
formalities prescribed in Art. 4, of the or- 
dinance of the 2rth of November, 1826, and 
in Art. 1, of the ordinance of the 18th of 
January, 1817,- considering that it is just to 
grant the existing journals a necessary delay 
to enjoy the benefit of Art. 2, of the afore- 
said ordinance, as an interruption in the 
publication of the periodicals might be pre- 
judicial to them; we therefore ordain that 

Mr. proceed in the composition and 

impression of the Journal , that is to ap- 
pear to-morrow, which will be provisionally 
done, as an ordinance of report on the mi- 
nutes, and before it shall be registered on 
the rolls. 

(Signed) « Debelleyme." 

B 2 



18 HISTORY OF THE 

The journals appeared; the greater part 
of them contained the subsequent energetic 
protestation of the editors: 

" It has been often announced in the last 
six months, that the laws would be violated, 
that the blow of despotism would be struck. 
The good sense of the public refused cre- 
dence to the report. The ministry rejected 
the idea as a calumny. The Moniteur, how- 
ever, has at length published these memora- 
ble ordinances, which are a most glaring 
violation of the laws. The reign of the laws 
is therefore interrupted, that of force has 
begun. 

" In our situation, obedience ceases to be 
a duty. The citizens who were first called 
to obey, are the writers for the journals; 
they should set the first examples of resist- 
ance to an authority which has lost every 
attribute of law. 

" The reasons on which they ground them- 
selves are such, that it is only necessary to 
mention them. 

" The matters regulated by the ordinances 
published to-day, are such as the royal au- 
thority alone cannot, in accordance with 
the charter, determine. The charter (Arti- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 19 

cle 8,) States that the French, in matters re- 
garding the press, shall be bound to conform 
to the laws. The charter (Article 35,) states 
that the organization of electoral colleges 
shall be regulated by the laws; it does not 
say by ordinances.''^ 

" The crown itself, up to this date, ac- 
knowledged these articles^ it did not dream 
of rising in arms against them, whether 
under pretext of a constituent power, or of 
a power falsely attributed to article 14. — 
In every case, in fact, where serious circum- 
stances appeared to it to require a modi- 
fication in matters relating to the press, 
or the electoral system, it has had re- 
course to the two chambers. When it was 
found necessary to modify the charter, for 
the establishment of septennial meetings, 
and the entire renewal, it had recourse, not 
to itself as the author of this charter, but to 
the chambers. 

" Royalty has then acknovVledged, nay 
practised the 8th and 35th articles; and arro- 
gated to itself, with respect to them, neither 
a constituent authority nor a dictatorial au- 
thority which exists nowhere. 

" The tribunals, to whom belongs the 



20 HISTORY OF THE 

right of interpretatioTi, have solemnly ac- 
knowledged these same principles. The 
royal court of Paris, and many others, have 
condemned the publishers of the Association 
Bretonnej as authors of an outrage against 
government. It has considered as an out- 
rage, the supposition that government can 
act on the authority of ordinances, in a case 
in which the authority of the law can alone 
be admitted. 

" Thus the formal text of the charter, the 
practice followed up to this day by the crown, 
the decisions of the tribunals, establish that 
in matters relating to the press and the elec- 
toral organization, the laws, that is to say, 
the king and the chambers can alone deter- 
mine. 

" Government has therefore violated the 
laws. We are dispensed from obedience. 
We shall attempt to publish our paper with- 
out asking the sanction of those who have 
imposed this ordinance on us. We shall 
exert ourselves for this day, at least, in order 
that all France may be apprized of the cir- 
cumstance. 

" This is what our duty as citizens exacts 
from us, and we will fulfil it. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 21 

"It is not our place to instruct in these du- 
ties the chamber which has been illegally dis- 
solved. We can only beg of it, in the name of 
France, to depend upon its manifest rights, 
and to resist as much as lies in its power, the 
violation of the laws. These rights are as cer- 
tain as those on which we build. The charter 
says (Article 50) that the king has the power 
of dissolving the chamber of deputies^ but in 
order to do this, it is necessary that they 
should have met to constitute a chamber, 
that they should have committed some fault 
which might justify his conduct in dissolving 
them. But, before the meeting of the depu- 
ties, nothing had occurred, to draw upon 
them the odium of government, save their 
having been elected. Now, no part of the 
charter says that the king has power to inva- 
lidate the elections. The ordinances pub- 
lished to-day nullify the elections, they are 
therefore illegal, because they do a thing un- 
authorized by the charter. 

" The elected deputies, appointed to meet 
on 3d of August, are therefore lawfully and 
duly elected and convoked. Their right is 
the same to-day as it was yesterday. France 
expects them not to forget it. They should 



22 HISTORY OF THE 

exert themselves strenuously to insist upon 
having their rights. 

" Government has now lost its character 
of legality which alone commands obedience. 
We shall resist it inasmuch as concerns our- 
selves; it remains for France to determine to 
what point she should carry her resistance. 

" Signed by the publishers and editors of 
journals, who were actually present in Paris, 

Messieurs 

GuAjA, Publisher of the National, 
Thiers, 

MiGNET, 

Carrel, 
Chambolle, 
Peysse, 
Staffer, 

DuBOCHET, 

Rolle, 

Leroux, Publisher of the Glohe. 

De'guizard,^ Editors of the GM^. 
Sarrans, Jr. Publisher of the Courier. 

Mousette,5 Editors of the Comer. 

Fabre, Chief Editor of the Tribune. 
Annee, 1 

Gauchois, V Editors of the Constitutionel. 
Lemaire, I 



> Editors of the National, 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 23 



'•} 



Senty, 

Haussmann, y Editors of the Times. 

DUSSARD, 

Avenel, Editor of the Courier Frangais. 
Levasseur, Editor of the Revolution. 

DUMOULIN, 

JussiEu, Editor of the Courier IVangais. 
Chatelain, Publisher of the Courier Fran- 
gais. 
Plagnol, Chief Editor of the Revolution. 
Fazi, Editor of the Revolution, 
BuzoNi, "^ 

^ ' > Editors of the Times, 

Chalas, [ 

Billiard, J 

Ader, Editor of the Tribune. 

Larreguy, of the Journal of Commerce. 

DupoNT, of the Courier Frangais, 

Remusat, of the Globe. 

De Laperouse, of the Courier Frangais. 

Bohain, ? f^i r« 

„ ' 5- oi the risaro. 

RoquEPLAN,3 ° 

T, ' > of the Times. 
Baude,3 

Bert, of the Commerce, 

PiLLET, of the Journal of Paris. 

Vaillant, of the Sylphe. 

Numerous groups formed anew in the 



24 HISTORY OF THE 

garden of the Palais-Royale; the independent 
journals -were distributed on all sides, and as 
on the day before, orators mounted on chairs 
and tables to harangue the people. They 
adverted to their neglected rights; they 
preached resistance in the name of the law, 
and thunders of applause followed in every 
quarter their courageous harangues. Armed 
forces, as on the preceding evening, presented 
themselves to drive the crowd from the gar- 
den, which were immediately shut. But this 
time the crowd did not disperse, on the con- 
trary, it increased every moment, and all the 
neighbouring streets were soon thronged. 
The students of law and medicine, almost in a 
solid mass, occupied Rue St. Honore; citizens 
of every class assembled, some unarmed, some 
with clubs. The infantry and cavalry at- 
tempted to drive back the citizens, and obey- 
ing too faithfully the orders they had re- 
ceived, charged on the defenceless people; 
many fell, women, children, old men were 
thrown down and trampled under the hoofs 
of the horses. A cry of indignation resound- 
ed every where; two cart loads of bricks, des- 
tined for repairing the Palais-Royale, were 
seized upon by the people; every thing that 



, FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 25 

fell under their hands was converted into 
an implement of war, and myriads of projec- 
tiles were hurled against the soldiers. The 
crowd insensibly increased 5 it reached to the 
quays and the boulevards. The gendarmes on 
their side received reinforcements; charges 
rapidly succeeded each other, and were an- 
swered with showers of stones and brickbats 
by the people. No one retreated, and the 
air resounded with shouts of huzza for the 
charter! 

At eight o'clock the mob was immense; 
several streets were torn up to stop the 
charges of cavalry. At this moment the 
gendarmes commenced a brisk fire on the 
Rue St. Honore. The first discharge had 
numerous victims among the youth of the 
school to the right, who, instead of flying, 
rallied under the fire of the enemy. Shouts 
of arms! give us arms! were heard in every 
place. Presently the people broke into 
the shops of the gunsmiths and armourers; 
swords, pistols, daggers, powder, balls, every 
thing was carried oif, and even objects of 
luxury became instruments of battle. 

Meanwhile the residents of the streets in 
which these charges took place, filled their 



26 HISTORY OF THE 

rooms with tiles, paving; stones, and broken 
bottles, to be projected from the windows; 
the defence was made with admirable unani- 
mity; the firing was interrupted, barricades 
were thrown up; and the young men who 
could procure arms, discharged under cover 
of these hastily constructed entrenchments, 
a continual volley on the troops. 

At ten o'clock the discharges of musquet- 
ry had ceased; the atmosphere was illumi- 
nated by the glare of the conflagration of the 
exchange, which had been set on fire by the 
king's body guard, and which the people had 
taken possession of, after having put the 
military to flight; in the streets, and the 
boulevards, legions of combatants hastily 
organized, prepared to resist the most fu- 
rious attack. 

The troops felt the impossibility of conti- 
nuing in the darkness of the night, a conflict 
which had already been so disastrous to 
them; they retired, and the firing ceased; 
but the defenders of liberty could not slum- 
ber in false security; they passed the rest of 
the night in providing arms and ammuni- 
tion, and in preparing to make on the ensu- 
ing day, a vigorous and heroic defence. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 27 

This evening was decisive, and govern- 
ment at this juncture, might perceive that 
the law which it attempted to transgress, 
would be enforced by the people; the troops 
of the line gave proof of their reluctance to 
march against the people; the 50th regi- 
ment, and the 5th light infantry absolutely 
refused to fire. As for the gendarmes, used 
to shedding the blood of defenceless men, 
the very appearance of the armed students 
intimidated them, and a great number of 
them only waited for a pretext to lay down 
their arms. 



28 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER II. 

The Emblems of Royalty are torn down. — The Posts arc 
attacked by the People. — Attack and Capture of the 
Hotel de Ville, the Louvre, and the Tuileries. 

28th and 29th of July. 

The night was calm, but this calm pre- 
saged a storm. Preparations for the fight 
were making in every quarter. The national 
guards, who had preserved their arms, dis- 
posed themselves to convert them to a patri- 
otic use. 

On the morning of the 28th, the people 
acted on the offensive^ detachments of trades- 
men ran through the streets, seizing every 
where on emblems of royalty, to make bon- 
fires of them. Towards nine o'clock, almost 
every post occupied by the gendarmes and 
soldiers of the line had been carried by force. 
At ten o'clock, a hundred workmen, some of 
whom were armed only with rusty sabres 
and old swords, after having formed them- 
selves into ranks as regularly as they could, 
marched towards the Seine; then, falling 
into ranks before the Pont-au-Change, forced 



:^ 



^RENCrt HEVOLUTION OF 1830. 29 

a military post established on the Place-du- 
Chatelet. The first that penetrated into the 
ranks of the body guards, armed themselves 
■with the muskets and cartridges of the sol- 
diers, and with cries of huzza fof the charter! 
they set out to march towards the Hotel de 
Ville, which was occupied by a numerous 
body of the military, cavalry as well as in- 
fantry. When these brave fellows arrived 
at the middle of the Place de Greve, they 
halted; three or four of them left the ra,nks, 
and advanced for the purpose of holding a 
parley with the soldiers, but were greeted by 
a brisk fire of musketry; those who had arms 
returned the salute with vigour, but unhap- 
pily their scanty supply of ammunition was 
soon exhausted. The gendarmes, ranged in 
line of battle, continued the fire; all at once 
the workmen rushed upon their bayonets, 
and grappled with them, man to man; the 
combat was not of long duration; the sol- 
diers fled in tumultuous disorder, abandoning 
their arms and their wounded companions. 

After the lapse of half an hour, the sound 
of a drum was heard; it proceeded from a de- 
tachment of the royal guard which was ad- 
vancing to retake the Hotel. The firing be- 
c 2 



50 HISTORY OF THE 

ganj the guard charged, but being driven 
back, they retreated precipitately towards 
the quay; but at that moment another band 
of workmen ranged themselves on the bridge 
of Notre Dame. The royal guards, sur- 
rounded on every side, sought to secure a 
passage by the bayonet. Some only were 
saved; others plunged into the river, the rest 
were killed. 

Marmont, duke of Ragusa, was invested 
with the command; a choice worthy of the 
man and of the miinistry. Paris was de- 
clared to be in a state of siege, and the au- 
thorities displayed an imposing force. New 
regiments were brought in during the night, 
the gendarmes, the royal guard, the troops 
of the line, and the Swiss regiments were all 
put into motion at once. Two thousand 
men of these different troops, directed their 
course towards the Hotel de Ville; they were 
rallied on the road by one squadron of cuiras- 
seurs, and another of lancers, with four pieces 
of cannon. During the firing, the citizens 
stood their ground undauntedly; a shower of 
bullets flew whistling in every direction. 
The citizens on their part hurled down from 
their windows, tiles, paving stones, and 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 31 

broken bottles at the military; others lying 
in ambuscade behind the corners of the 
sti'^ets, were firing incessantly; the place 
was soon covered with dead bodies. The 
enemy's cannon also made frightful ravages, 
and did horrible execution among the patri- 
otic ranks. After an hour of the most 
bloody fight, the workmen entrenched in the 
Hotel de Ville, were obliged, for want of car- 
tridges, to abandon a post they had so valiant- 
ly defended; they retreated from the back 
part of the Hotel in good order, and full of 
enthusiasm to return to the charge. 

As long as these brave champions of liber- 
ty were masters of the Hotel, no excess was 
committed; scarcely had the royal guard 
taken possession of it, when the apartments 
of the prefect were ransacked, and the cellar 
pillaged. 

The troops of the perjured king did not 
long enjoy this victory. Taken and retaken 
three times, the Hotel de Ville was recon- 
quered, and finally occupied by the brave 
Parisians, who achieved such prodigies of 
valour, fighting with an order which one 
might seek in vain to account for, while it 
elicits the warmest admiration. 



S2 HISTORY OF THE 

The national cause triumphed in other 
points. The population on the left bank, led 
on by the pupils of the Polytechnic school, 
and the schools of law and medicine, appear- 
ed in arms in the morning. The powder 
magazine of Ivry soon fell into the hands of 
the citizens; the military detained at Ab- 
baye were liberated, and appointed chiefs, by 
the people. Liberty was also given to the 
debtors in the prison of St. Pelagic; among 
the latter were many officers, who rendered 
important services to the people. 

The repository of artillery in the square 
of St. Thomas of Aquin, became a precious 
conquest, on account of the quantity of every 
kind of arms, contained in it. The palace 
of the chamber of peers was respected. The 
pupils of the Polytechnic school, during these 
glorious days, presented themselves in great 
numbers, at every point of the capital. 

Groups of armed citizens claimed the hon- 
our of marching under the command of these 
intrepid young men, renowned as well for 
their military talents and acquirements, as 
for their patriotic devotion to the national 
cause. The citizen soldiers owed their sue- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 33 

cess, in a great measure, to the excellent di- 
rection of these young leaders. 

A great part of the royal forces put up in 
the quarters of St. Denis and St. Martin, 
and all along the boulevards, from the Ma- 
delaine to the Bastille. At an early hour 
the people were in possession of different 
posts along the boulevards, whence they 
were driven by the royal guard, the infantry, 
cavalry and artillery. Some ramparts were 
thrown up in the streets of St. Denis and St. 
Martin, where several bodies of foot and 
horse were engaged in charging and firing 
on the people, who were prepared to re- 
ceive and give battle. Bullets and stones 
were showered down in torrents from the 
windows, where the citizens had posted 
themselves. Musketeers, concealed in pri- 
vate streets and alleys, harassed the enemy; 
the citizens, furnished with sabres, swords, 
clubs, and fantastic arms, taken from the 
theatres, defended each barricade. The lan- 
cers, who had rendered themselves conspi- 
cuous by their ardour for shedding the blood 
of the people, sustained a considerable loss; 
the chief officer of the royal guard, having 
received a serious wound in the Rue St. 



Vrt/ 



34 HISTORY OF THE 

Denis, was taken up and carried away by 
the soldiers to the house of the Sisters of 
Charity, opposite the church of Bonne Nou- 
velle. As he was carried by the soldiers at 
night, he could not proceed far; they there- 
fore returned to the sisterhood. The door was 
not opened in time; it was necessary to seek 
for some other asylum; but the roads were 
all occupied by the combatants; and this 
unfortunate man, abandoned and trampled 
under foot, died without the assistance of a 
single individual. 

The gate of St. Denis, which commands 
at once the street and the suburb of St. 
Denis, and the two boulevards, was a posi- 
tion whose importance was well known to 
both parties. 

The monument, alternately occupied by 
the citizens and royal soldiers, was the scene 
of a most desperate engagement which last- 
ed till eight o'clock in the evening. 

While the fight was raging in Paris, some 
citizens hung a tricoloured flag on the towers 
of Notre Dame. The alarm bells rang at 
once in several parishes. The battle was 
conducted with the most astonishing order; 
the defence was calm and methodical. The 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 35 

first detachment of the national guard ap- 
peared on the quays of the Augustinians, 
Malaquais and Voltairej they had mustering 
points established in these different places, 
whence they exchanged a brisk volley of 
musquetry with the Swiss guards of the 
Louvre and Tuileries. On the boulevards 
the fight was not less methodically conduct- 
ed. Some citizens stationed on the gate of 
St. Martin showered down on the troops 
sticks, stones, and tiles. In the Rue St. An- 
toine, they unroofed the houses and flung the 
tiles at the gendarmes. 

The general firing ceased in the evenings 
the disadvantage of the troops was already 
noticeable; the guard refused to obey orders, 
and the officers, after reiterated, but ineffec- 
tual, solicitations to the troops, had often to 
enforce their commands by blows. 

From the night of the 28th to the 29th the 
barricades were completed. The pavements 
were torn up; carts, hacks, omnibuses, and 
even stages were overturned, beside barrels 
filled with stones. Paris in a few hours, free 
from hostile fire and completely barricaded, 
was impregnable. 

The enemy, convinced of this, relinquish- 



36 HISTORY OF THE 

ed the stations they had occupied, reserving 
only the Louvre, the Tuileries and their en- 
virons. The Swiss guards ranged them- 
selves in the upper stories to enjoy the cruel 
sport of firing on the people, without danger 
to themselves. But these last efforts were 
useless. The die was cast. 

On the 29th, in the morning, the national 
guard occupied the Hotel de Ville. The 
tricoloured flag was seen floating every 
wherej the citizens, already in possession of 
three quarters of the city, had not much diffi- 
culty in making themselves masters of the 
fourth. The royal guard stationed, or rather 
lying, in the place Louis XV., refused to obey 
orders any longer. " TTiey may kill us if neces- 
sary, said they, but we will not perform the 
odious task to which we have been condemned 
for the last two days.** With respect to the 
troops of the line, they either retired or 
yielded; they fraternized with the people, 
embraced one another, and shed tears of joy 
for having freed their country. 

Meanwhile the Parisian forces moved to- 
wards the Louvre, where bodies of the royal 
guard, French as well as Swiss, lay entrench- 
ed with cannon, and made a stubborn resist- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. o7 

ance. The people, having no artillery, could 
not carry this post without the most ener- 
getic exertions. They were in possession of 
the church of St. Germain I'Auxerrois, and 
the pile of buildings belonging to the Insti- 
tute, from which points they returned the 
fire of the Louvre, The front of the palace 
of the Institute and the portal of St. Ger- 
main's church were riddled with bullets. 
About midday one part of the royal French 
guards wheeled about towards the Champs 
Elysees; another part made peace with the 
citizens^ the Swiss who had escaped through 
the north and west gates, dispersed in differ- 
ent directions. Several of the latter were 
taken prisoners by the people, who with an 
unparalleled moderation, protected and saved 
them from outrage. 

At one o'clock the Louvre was taken, but 
not without the loss of a crowd of brave citi- 
zens. The doors of the apartments of the 
Museum were scarcely burst open, when 
many artists, Deveria, painter, and Lemaire, 
statuary, armed at the expense of the sol- 
diers of the guard, placed themselves with 
M. Cailleux, at the head of the guardians of 
the Museum, and with cries of "long live 

D 



38 HISTORY OF THE 

liberty and the charter," persuaded the peo- 
ple to evacuate the gallery. Posterity will 
not regret the loss of these masterpieces of 
the fine arts. A bullet penetrated the pic- 
ture of Henry the Fourth's entry into Paris,, 
in the heat of the first attack^ as for the pale 
picture of Charles the Tenth's coronation, it 
was torn into rags. 

From the Louvre, the ai^med citizens 
marched on to the Tuileries. A vigorous 
battle ensued on the Royal bridge; the cas- 
tle was forced about 4 o'clock; the people 
broke some articles of furniture, and drank 
some bottles of wine, but nothing valuable 
was injured. They broke the bust of Charles 
X., though not of Louis XVIII. "He was 
the author of the charter" cried they. They 
did not however forget to dress it in mourn- 
ing with crape. 

The body-guards who lay in the barrack 
on the quay of Orsay, surrendered as soon 
as they had intelligence that the Tuileries 
were abandoned by the royal guard. The 
latter, on quitting Paris, took the direction 
of St. Cloud, by Neuilly; but when they got 
to the bridge of that village, they found it 
barricaded, and the peasants discharged 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 39 

■upon them a pretty brisk volley of muskets. 
Being compelled to retrace their steps, they 
threw themselves into the wood of Boulogne, 
and arrived at St. Cloud, exhausted with fa- 
tigue, and loudly vituperating their officers, 
whom they accused of the massacre of their 
fellow soldiers. 

On their arrival, the court was in the 
greatest consternation. Charles X. doubting 
which Saint to take for his patron, had al- 
ready received communion twice, and was 
preparing for the third time; but the arrival 
of a general officer of the old army, obliged 
him to defer the execution of this project. 
The officer requested an audience, which was 
instantly granted. When he appeared be- 
fore Charles, the latter profoundly dejected, 
raised his head with every sign of affliction, 
and told him that it never was his wish to 
infringe on the Charter; that the decree of 
the 25th of July, had no other object than to 
repair any infraction it had sustained, and 
to comply with it, " Comply with it!" ex- 
claimed the officer; " your Majesty has been 
abominably duped; who could believe in 
France that such was your Majesty's will, 
when these acts, and thousands of similar 



40 HISTORY OF THE 

6nes, are directly subversive of liberty and 
national honour?" " Well," replied the king, 
" since these decrees shocked the nation, it 
has now cause to be content, for I have re- 
pealed the obnoxious ordinances by two 
other decrees I passed yesterday; I have dis- 
charged my ministers, but unhappily, M. de 
Mortemart was not able to attend the coun- 
cilj had he been there, all might have been 
saved." " It is now too late, even the abdi- 
cation of your Majesty in favour of your son, 
would not satisfy the nation; he was admit- 
ted into the council, he was acquainted with 
its deeds, he has partaken of them, he is an 
accomplice of them. If your Majesty had 
been well advised, the Dauphin would have 
been kept in the opposition. Consequently, 
by abdicating in his favour, France might 
have believed in the faith of his words and 
deeds, but I have the honour of repeating to 
your Majesty, that it is now too late. They 
already are speaking at Paris of proclaiming 
the duke d'Orleans; behold, sir, with what 
rapidity things have gone on." Charles X. 
more and more dejected, replied in these 
words: " What would you have me to do?" 
He arose in order to repair to the chapel. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 41 

Scarcely had he entered, when he was ap- 
prized that despatches, sent by Ragusa, of the 
most important nature had arrived. " I will 
see them after the mass," replied he, " the 
interests of heaven should be preferred to 
those of this world." A king capable of 
making such an answer under such circum- 
stances, is already judged. Paris deprived 
of its government, depended upon the depu- 
ties; they never deceived the brave fellows 
who shed their blood for the maintenance of 
the laws. On the 27th, all the deputies pre- 
sent in Paris, assembled and published the 
following — 

" PROCLAMATION. 

" The undersigned, legally elected to the 
deputation by the college of electors, by 
virtue of the royal ordinance of the * * * * 
conformably to the constitutional charter, 
and the laws upon elections of the * * * * 
and being actually in Paris, consider them- 
selves absolutely obliged by their duty and 
honour, to denounce the measures which the 
counsellors of the crown have not long since 
established for the overthrow of the legal 
D 2 



42 HISTORY OF THE 

system of elections, and the ruin of the li- 
berty of the press. 

"The said measures contained in the or- 
dinances of the * * * * appear to the under- 
signed, directly reverse to the constitutional 
rights of the chamber of peers, to the pub- 
lic rights of the French, to the privileges and 
decrees of the tribunals; and tending to throw 
the state into a confusion which endangers 
equally the peace of the present, and the se- 
curity of the future. 

" In consequence of which, the undersigned 
inviolably faithful to their oath, denounce 
unanimously not only the said measures, but 
all the deeds which may result from them. 

" Whereas, on one hand the chamber of 
deputies not being yet constituted, cannot be 
legally dissolved; on the other hand, the at- 
tempt to form another chamber of deputies 
in a new and arbitrary manner, is a formal 
contradiction to the constitutional charter, 
and to the rights acquired by the electors; 
the undersigned declare that they consider 
themselves legally elected to the deputation 
by the departments which they represent, 
and that they cannot be dissolved, but in 
virtue of an election made according to the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 43 

principles and the forms required by the 
laws. 

" And if the undersigned do not exercise 
effectually their rights, and acquit themselves 
of all the duties by which they are bound 
by their legal election, it is because they 
are prevented from doing so by physical 
force." 

The following are the signatures of Messrs. 
Labbey de Pompiere, Sebastiani, Mechin, 
Perier (Casimir), Guizot, Audry de Puyra- 
veau, Andre Gollot, Gaetan de la Rochefou- 
cauld, Mauguin, Bernard, Voisin de Gar- 
tempe, Froidefond de Bellisle, Villemain, 
Didot (Firmin), Daunou, Persil, Villemot, de 
la Riboisiere, Bondy (comte de), Duris-Du- 
fresne, Girod de I'Ain, Laisne de Villeveque, 
Delessert (Benjamin), Marchal,NaudeCham- 
plouis, comte de Lobau, baron Louis, Millaux, 
Estourmel (comte d'), Montguyon (comte 
de), Levaillant, Tronchon, Gerard (le general), 
Laffitte (Jacques), Garcias, Dugas-Montbel, 
Camille Perier, Vassal, Alexandre de Laborde, 
Jacques Lefebvre, Mathieu Dumas, Eusebe 
Salverte, de Poulmer, Hernoux, Chardel, Ba- 
voux, Charles Dupin, Hely d'Hoyssel, Eu- 
gene d'Harcourt, Baillot, general Lafayette, 



44 HISTORY OF THE 

Georges Lafayette, Jouvencel, Berlin de 
Vaux, comte de Lameth, Berard, Duchaf- 
faut, Auguste de Saint-Aignau, Keratry, Ter- 
naiix, Jacques Odier, Benjamin Constant, 
etc. etc. etc. 

On the 28th a meeting of deputies, com- 
posed of general Gerard, count de Lobau, 
Messrs. Lafitte, Casimir Perier, and Mau- 
guin,went through the firing to the house of 
M. le Marechal, duke of Ragusa. M. Lafitte 
opened the conversation: he represented for- 
cibly to the marshal, the deplorable state of 
the capital, the blood flowing from all sides, 
the firing resounding as in a city taken by 
assault^ and made him personally respon- 
sible, in the name of the assembled depu- 
ties of France, for the fatal consequences 
of so sad an event. 

The marshal replied: " military honour 
consists in obedience." 

" And civil honour," replied M. Lafitte, 
"does not consist in the slaughter of the 
citizens!" 

The marshal then said to him, " Gen- 
tlemen, what are the conditions you pro- 
pose?" 

" Without relying too much on our influ- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 45 

ence, we believe ourselves able to say, that 
every thing is contained in the following 
ordinances: to report the ordinances of the 
26th July to be illegal^ to dismiss the minis- 
ters and convoke the chambers on the 3d of 
August/' 

The marshal confessed, that as a citizen, 
he could not well disapprove of partaking 
also the opinions of the deputies; but that as 
a soldier, he had his orders, and could not 
but execute them; meanwhile he engaged to 
I place these propositions in half an hour un- 
ier the eyes of the king. 

" But, moreover," added the marshal, " if 
you wish to have a conference upon this 
subject with M. de Polignac, he is here, and 
I will ask him if he will receive you.'* 

A quarter of an hour passed. The mar- 
shal returned with his countenance much al- 
tered, and informed the deputies that M. de 
Polignac had declared to him that the pro- 
posed conditions rendered all conference 
useless. 

" It is then a civil war!" said M. Lafitte. 

The marshal bowed, and the deputies re- 
tired. 

The next day in the morning, although 



46 HISTORY OF THE 

they continued to fight at the Louvre and 
Tuileries, the folloM'ing placard was posted 
up in Paris. 

" PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT. 

" The present deputies at Paris have met 
to remedy the great dangers which threaten 
the security of the people and their property. 

** A commission has been appointed to 
watch over the interests of all during the ab- 
sence of regular organization. 

" Messrs. Audry de Puyraveau, count de 
Gerard, Jacques Lafitte, count de Lobau, 
Mauguin, Odier, Casimir Perier, and de 
Schonen, compose this commission. 

" General Lafayette is commander-in-chief 
of the national guards.'* 

In a word, the hero of the two Worlds 
accepted the command of the national guard, 
unprovided as in 1789; notwithstanding his 
great age, he marched on foot through the 
streets of Paris, clad with his old uniform of 
three colours, and hastened to address this 
proclamation to the people. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 47 

" TO THE PARISIANS. 

" My dear fellow Citizens and brave Comrades, 
" The confidence of the people of Paris, 
has called me once more to the command of 
its public force. I have accepted with de- 
votedness and joy the duties which are 
trusted to me, and, as in 1789, 1 feel myself 
invigorated by the approbation of my ho- 
nourable colleagues, to-day assembled at 
Paris. I will not make a profession of faith, 
my sentiments are known. The conduct of 
the Parisian population in these last days of 
trial, renders me more than ever proud to 
be at its head. Liberty will triumph, or we 
will perish together. 

" Vive la Liberie ! vive lapatriel 

" Lafayette.'* 

On the same day appeared the ordinance, 
or rather the invitation, which follows — 

" The national guard of Paris, is re-esta- 
blished. 

"The colonels and other officers are invited 
to reorganize immediately the service of the 
national guards. 

" The inferior officers and the national 



48 HISTORY OF THE 

guards shall be ready to assemble at the 
first beat of the drum. 

" Provisionally they are invited to unite 
themselves under the officers and inferior 
officers of their old companies, and to in- 
scribe themselves upon the roll. 

" It is our business to establish orderj and 
the municipal commission of Paris counts 
upon the ordinary zeal of the national guards 
for liberty and public order. 

" The colonels, or, in their absence, the 
chiefs of the batallions are requested to re- 
pair immediately to the Hotel de Ville to 
confer upon the first measures to be taken 
for the interest of the service. 

" Given at the Hdtel de Ville, ^th Jvly, 1830. 

" Lafayette." 

This appeal vi^as heard, and thanks to the 
zeal of the national guard, calm was restored. 
The night that followed the triumph will al- 
ways be remembered. Paris vras more tran- 
quil than ever. 

Triumphant city, mourning for its young 
heroes, yet illuminated by a long row of fires 
placed by the citizens on their houses. What 
security, what a calm after the victory; not 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 49 

a disorder nor tumult, although 70,000 men, 
belonging to all classes, the larger number 
from the poor class, bore arms in the ca- 
pital. 

The love of liberty is prolific in prodigies. 



50 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAPTER IIL 



Peace in Paris. — Operations of the Members of the Cham- 
ber of Deputies. — The Duke of Orleans accepts the of- 
fice and title of Lieutenant- General of the Kingdom. 

30th, 31st of July — 1st, 2d Aug. 

On the 30th, tranquillity continued to reign: 
the shops were opened and the markets were 
filled with provisions. They expected the 
enemy, but did not fear him; the barricades 
were finished 5 the dead were buried in the 
public places, and all the wounded received 
in the private houses, were carried to the 
hospitals, where more efficacious aid was 
procured. 

The deputies, as on the preceding evening, 
met at the house of Lafitte, and transacted 
the business of organizing the provisional 
government. After many long discussions, 
or in other words, after various forms of go- 
vernment were proposed, and their relative 
value and appositeness to the present crisis 
canvassed, the assembly came to the conclu- 
sion, that the Duke of Orleans was the most 
proper person to be selected, and it was re« 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 51 

solved that the lieutenant-generalship of the 
kingdom should be offered to him. This de- 
cision was not entirely unanimous. Some 
members desired that an eternal breach 
should be made with the house of Bourbon; 
others reminded the assembly of his emigra- 
tion: "He is the son-in-law," said they, "of 
the king of Naples — of that sovereign who 
sold the subjects of Austria. Liberty has 
cost us dear enough; let us preserve it, and 
think no more of imposing masters on our- 
selves." 

But to these considerations it was answer- 
€d, that the Duke of Orleans had in his youth 
frankly adopted the principles of the revolu- 
tion; it was mentioned that he had fought at 
Jemappes and Fleurus; they laid a value be- 
sides on the consideration, that in placing 
this prince at the head of the government, 
they would probably avoid a war with fo- 
reign powers. This opinion prevailed, and 
a deputation was sent to the prince, who had 
retired from the beginning of the disturb- 
ances, to Neuilly, where he still resided. On 
the same evening the duke returned to the 
Palais-Royale, and caused the following pro- 
clamation to be posted the next morning: 



52 HISTORY OF THE 

" Paris, July 31. (JVbow.) 

"Inhabitants of Paris! — The Deputies of 
France, at this moment assembled at Paris, 
have expressed the desire that I should re- 
pair to this capital and exercise the func- 
tions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. 

" I have not hesitated to come and share 
your dangers, to place myself in the midst of 
your heroic population, and to exert all my 
efforts to preserve you from the calamities of 
civil vv^ar, and of anarchy. 

" On returning to the city of Paris, I wear 
with pride those glorious colours which you 
have resumed, and which I myself long wore. 

*' The chambers are about to assemble^ 
they will consult upon the means of securing 
the supremacy of the laws, and the mainte- 
nance of the rights of the nation. 

" The Charter will henceforward be a 
truth. 

"Louis Philippe D'Orleans.'* 

At one o'clock the deputies met in the or- 
dinary place of session. 

General Sebastiani opened the debate in 
the name of the committee that presented 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 53 

the message to the duke of Orleans on the 
preceding evening. He commenced thus: 

" Gentlemen, — The deputation of which I 
had the honour of being a member, repaired 
last evening to the Palais-Royale. His royal 
highness was absent: we took the liberty of 
addressing to him a letter, to apprize him of 
the resolution passed in your assembly. He 
was eager to return to Paris, and arrived 
here at eight o'clock yesterday evening. The 
deputation received intelligence of it this 
morning, and reassembled at nine o'clock. 
We were admitted into the presence of the 
duke: the words we collected from his lips, 
breathed the spirit of love for order and the 
laws, an ardent desire to shield France from 
the scourge of civil and foreign war, and a 
firm determination to secure the liberties of 
the country, and as his royal highness says 
himself, in a proclamation as remarkable for 
its frankness as its integrity, " the wish to 
make a reality of that charter which not long 
since was a mere illusion." 

" Gentlemen," said the president, " it is of 
importance to examine if, in the present si- 
tuation of the capital, and to prevent the dis- 
turbances that may be produced by diversity 
E 2 



54 HISTORY OF THE 

of opinion, it would not be necessary that 
some writing", whether it go under the name 
of address or of proclamation, should ema- 
nate from this assembly, in order to show 
and explain to the capital and to all France, 
what the deputies have deemed it their duty 
to do for the interest of public affairs, whe- 
ther in Paris or in the departments. We 
have been all surprised by events which we 
could not foresee. We believed ourselves 
safe under the dominion of the charter: 
strong in public opinion we awaited the 
coming of the 3d of August. You know it, 
our sealed letters were returned to us at the 
same time with the ordinances of the 26th. 
These decrees destroyed the charter: civil 
war was substituted for the reign of the laws. 
From this source sprung the wonderful deeds 
and catastrophes of which Paris was the 
theatre. Do you not deem it incumbent on 
you to represent to France what you have 
thought it your duty to do under these so- 
lemn circumstances? There was no further 
question of equality for you 5 you had no 
longer to fulfil the ordinary duties of depu- 
ties; the question was to save the country, 
to save public and private property." 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 55 

" I shall not recall to your recollection the 
measures you embraced; measures which se- 
cured the salvation of the country; but I 
think it incumbent on us to give an account 
of them; to give a plain and accurate expo- 
sition of our whole conduct. By such an 
exposition, you will reap for yourselves pub- 
lic thanks, public benedictions." 

This proposition being unanimously adopt- 
ed, a committee was appointed and the fol- 
lowing proclamation published at the same 
moment. 

" Frenchmen I— France is free. Absolute 
power raised its standard — the heroic popu- 
lation of Paris has overthrown it. Paris at- 
tacked, has made the sacred cause to tri- 
umph by arms which had triumphed in vain 
in the elections. A power which usurped 
our rights, and disturbed our repose, threat- 
ened at once liberty and order. We return 
to the possession of liberty and order. There 
is no more fear for acquired rights — no bar- 
rier between us and the rights which we still 
demand. A government which may, with- 
out delay, secure to us these advantages, is 
now the first want of our country. French- 
men! Those of your deputies who are al- 



56 HISTORY OF THE 

ready at Paris, have assembled^ and, till the 
chambers can regularly intervene, they have 
invited the duke of Orleans, a Frenchman, 
who has never fought but for France, to ex- 
ercise the functions of lieutenant-general of 
the kingdom. This is, in their opinions, the 
surest means promptly to accomplish by 
peace, the success of the most legitimate 
defence. 

" The duke of Orleans is devoted to the na- 
tional and constitutional cause. He has al- 
vi^ays defended its interests, and professed its 
principles. He will respect our rights, for 
he will derive his own from us. We shall 
secure to ourselves by laws strong and dura- 
ble, all the guarantees necessary to liberty. 

"It has been necessary to designate for 
each branch of the public administration, 
commissioners to replace, provisionally, the 
administration which has just fallen with the 
power of Charles X. 

" The following are appointed provisional 
commissioners: 

" For the department of justice — M. Du- 
pont de L'Eure. Finances— Baron Louis. 
War — general Gerard. Maritime affairs — 
M. de Rigny. Foreign affairs— -M. Bignon. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 57 

Public instruction — M. Guizot. Interior and 
public works — M. Casimir Perrier. 
(Signed) " Lobau, 

" Mauguin, 
" a. de puyraveau, 
" De Schonen. 
" Paris, Hdtel de Ville, July 31." 

The reading of this piece was often inter- 
rupted by unanimous peals of applause, and 
it was resolved, that this bill of French rights 
should be carried to the lieutenant-general 
of the kingdom by all the deputies present. 

They adjourned at half past two o'clock, 
and passed through the garden of the Tuile- 
ries and the adjacent streets, amidst an im- 
mense population, dressed in the national 
colours, who made the air resound with 
shouts of Long live the deputies of the nation! 
The deputies answered by cries of Long live 
the heroic people of Paris! They have saved 
D'ance! 

Lafitte read the proclamation to the 
prince; at each passage that contained secu- 
rities for French liberty, the lieutenant-gene- 
ral of the kingdom answered with significa- 
tions of the most cordial assent. On the 
sentences which bore upon the parliamentary 



58 ttlSTORV OF THE 

and municipal organization, being commit- 
ted to the choice of the citizens, he said: — 
"This is, indeed, liberty." And when he 
came to that part, specifying a jury's being 
applied to in offences of the press, the prince 
interrupted him by saying: " Ah! yes^ most 
certainly J** 

When they had finished reading, the duke 
of Orleans expressed himself at once, with a 
frankness and a feeling, that produced the 
most lively enthusiasm. " Gentlemen," said 
he, " the salutary principles you proclaim, 
have always been my own. You recal to my 
recollection the scenes of my youth; my last 
years will be a continuation of them. I shall 
exert myself for the happiness of PVance, 
through you, and with youj like the good, 
like the true father of a family. The depu- 
ties of the nation easily understand me, 
when I assure them, that I heave many a 
heart-felt sigh over the deplorable events 
that oblige me to accept the exalted trust 
which they confide in me, and which I hope 
to render myself worthy of." 

These words, or rather this cordial and 
frank acceptance of the great principles of 
the constitutional government, were received 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 59 

by the deputies with the testimonies of the 
most lively satisfaction. 

The prince added: "Gentlemen, at the 
moment of your arrival, I was about going 
to the Hotel de Villej I would be happy to 
walk through Paris, amidst the deputies of 
the nation." 

All were eager to follow the lieutenant- 
general of the kingdom, who was mounted 
on horseback in the court of the palace, with- 
out attendant officers, without any guard but 
the people, without any other retinue than 
that of the deputies of the country. The 
prince was dressed like a general officer, 
carrying no ornament except the riband of 
the Legion of Honour, and the tricoloured 
cockade. 

To paint the enthusiasm of the people 
would be a task as difficult as to express 
their heroism on the days of battle. Tu- 
multuous masses of the population, pressed 
around them, in such a manner, that the de- 
puties were obliged to separate, and their 
progress was the more difficult, as it was 
impeded by the glorious barricades. At 
that very moment, the citizens formed the 
most admirable convoy that ever accompa- 



60 HISTORY OF THE 

nied the deputies of a people, and the chief 
of a government. They took hands, march- 
ing diagonally, over the extensive roads of 
the Palais Royale to the Hotel de Ville, and 
forming an immense chains and some were 
heard to say, " This is an order that was 
never established among the gendarmes !" 

The prince often stopped, hat in hand, sa- 
luting, by gesture and words, the heroic peo- 
ple of the noble city; the worthy representa- 
tives of a great nation. The roads of the 
Hotel de Ville were covered with national 
guards; the prince said: " Gentlemen, this 
is the old national guard, which comes to 
pay a visit to its old general (Lafayette)." 

The proclamation was again read in the 
grand saloon of the Hotel de Ville, by M, 
Viennet, deputy from Herault. 

The square of the Hotel de Ville, the quays 
on either bank of the Seine, the adjacent 
streets, and all the windows of the housesr 
were crowded with a multitude of citizens, 
gaudily arrayed in the national colours. At 
the moment in which the duke of Orleans, 
and the hero of the two hemispheres, La- 
fayette, presented themselves under the bal- 
cony of the Hotel de Ville, waving the tri- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 61 

coloured banner, thunders of applause, bra- 
voes, and shouts of Long live liberty^ and the 
charter! resounded through the skies. 

On the same evening, Lafayette addressed 
the inhabitants of Paris in the following 
terms: — ^" The assembly of deputies actually 
at Paris, has communicated to the general- 
in-chief, the resolutions which, in the ur- 
gency of circumstances, has nominated the 
duke of Orleans, lieutenant-general of the 
kingdom. 

" In three days, the chamber will hold a 
regular session, conformably to the mandate 
of its constituents, to transact its patriotic 
duties, which derive an augmentation of im- 
portance and extent, from the glorious events 
that have restored the French people to the 
plenitude of their imprescriptible rights. 
Honour to the people of Paris. 

" Then will the representatives of the 
electoral colleges, honoured by the assent 
of all France, know how to secure the coun- 
try, previous to other considerations, and se- 
condary forms of government, to secure the 
pledges of liberty, equality and public order, 
which comprise the sovereign nature of our 

F 



62 HISTORY OF THE 

rights and the firm will of the French peo- 
ple." 

" Already under a government of foreign 
origin and foreign influence which has just 
ceased^ thanks to the vigorous, rapid and 
popular efforts of a just resistance to ag- 
gression, it was acknowledged that in the 
sessions, demands for the re-establishment of 
elective administrations, municipal and pro- 
vincial, the organization of the national guards 
of France on the basis of '91, the extent and 
application of juries, the questions relative 
to electoral law, the liberty of signing, the 
responsibility of agents of power, and the 
method necessary to realize that respon- 
sibility, were to be objects of discussion, 
previous to any votes of subsidy: with how 
much more right should these guarantees 
and all those that liberty and equality can 
demand, precede the concession of definitive 
powers which France might think proper to 
confer! In the meantime, the nation is aware 
that the lieutenant general of the kingdom, call- 
ed by the chamber, was one of the young pa- 
triots of '89, one of the first generals that 
reared triumphantly the tricoloured banner. 
Liberty^ equality^ and public order have ever 
been my motto: I shall be faithful to it." 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 65 

On the first of August, the provisional 
municipal commission of Paris wrote to the 
duke of Orleans to inform him that it resign- 
ed to his hands the power with which it had 
been for five days invested. 

From that period, the progress of the go- 
vernment became more easy^ order was re- 
established and the different administrations 
regained the path of their official labours. 
The ministers, nominated by the lieutenant- 
general, entered upon their duties. 

General Lafayette did not fail on his part, 
to testify the most indefatigable ardour. He 
employed himself chiefly in the defence of the 
territory, under circumstances in which fo- 
reign powers might form the intention of in- 
terposing in the debates. A decree of this 
heroic commander runs thus: 

" Art. I. It is resolved to form a movea- 
ble national guard; it shall consist of twenty 
regiments, and may be employed out of Paris 
in the defence of the country. 

"Art. 2. All citizens in a condition to 
bear arms are invited to enrol their names, 
for this purpose they shall go to their re- 
spective mayoralties, where the lists are 
open. 



64 HISTORY OF THE 

" Art. 3. The moveable national guard 
shall receive daily a pay vk^hich shall be fur- 
ther determined for the officers and sub-offi- 
cers5 for the soldiers it shall be thirty sous 
a day. The pay shall last to their disband- 
ment and fifteen days after: the disbandment 
w^ill take place as soon as this force ceases to 
be necessary. 

" Art. 4. The moveable national guard is 
placed under the command of general Ge- 
rard, v^'ho already commands the troops of 
the line 5 he v^ill do every thing requisite for 
their formation and organization; as many 
officers as are deemed necessary w^ill com- 
bine to effect this purpose. The list of may- 
oralties and the national guard occupying 
the Hotel de Ville are places under his con- 
trol. 

" Hdtel de Ville, July 31, 1830." 

At the same time, he neglected no oppor- 
tunity to gain over to the cause of liberty, 
the soldiers w^ho had the misfortune to fight 
against it. 

" Brave soldiers," cried he in a proclama- 
tion to the French army, " the inhabitants of 
Paris do not consider you responsible for 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 65 

having obeyed your orders; come to us, we 
will receive you like brothers; come and 
rank yourselves under one of those brave 
men who shed his blood, under so many emer- 
gencies for his country, under general Ge- 
rard. The cause of the army cannot be long 
divorced from the cause of liberty and the 
nation. Is not its glory our dearest patriot- 
ism? But let it not forget that the defence 
of our liberty and independence is its first 
duty. Let us then be friends, since our inte- 
rests and our rights are the same. General 
Lafayette declares, in the name of the whole 
population of Paris, that it bears no senti- 
ment of animosity, or hostility to the French 
soldiers; that it is ready to fraternise with 
such of those as will return to the cause of 
liberty and their country; and that it tenders 
all its prayers for the arrival of that moment 
when the citizens and the soldiers, rallying 
under one banner, with the same sentiments, 
shall realize the happiness and the glorious 
destinies of our beautiful country. 

"Vive la France! 

" Lafayette.'* 

Scarcely was this proclamation known, 

F 2 



66 HISTORY OF THE 

when armed soldiers were seen entering 
Paris, arrayed in the national colours, and 
ready to shed their blood in the defence of 
liberty. Yet a few days and the whole army 
will follow this generous example. Already 
the tricoloured flag floated upon the princi- 
pal villages of France; nearly all the strong 
places had submitted, and every thing pro- 
claimed that the regeneration of this beau- 
tiful country would be soon accomplished. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 67 



CHAPTER IV. 

Opening of the Sessions of the Chamber of Deputies. — 
Speech of the Duke of Orleans. — Events at St. Cloud 
and Rambouillet. — Abdication of Charles X. 

FROM THE 1st TO THE 5TH AuG. 

We have before said, the accession of the 
duke of Orleans, to the lieutenant-general- 
ship of the kingdom, rendered the progress 
of the government easy and more regular; 
this proceeding did not appear in the same 
point of view to all parties. The pretensions 
that the deputies had announced, appeared 
in general to be too restricted and ill coin- 
ciding with the sacrifices made by the citi- 
zens, for the triumph of liberty. Yet they 
awaited, not without impatience, but with 
confidence, the arrival of the moment of the 
session, which the duke of Orleans in per- 
son, was to open on the 3d of August. 

This session, formerly called royal session, 
was held in the palace of the Louvre, and it 
was chiefly by the courtiers, that these tri- 
bunals were occupied. Now the court is no 



68 HISTORY OF THE 

more, and the nation is arrayed in all its 
strength and majesty. 

Without, no other soldiers were seen but 
the national guards on foot, and horse, in 
brilliant costume, volunteers that patriotism 
had made soldiers, during the 27th of July; 
and around them, the people who had so 
powerfully seconded their victorious efforts. 
Within, the benches were crowded with la- 
dies gorgeously apparelled, and citizens of 
all conditions; the most friendly union and 
cordiality, reigned in every quarter. Pupils 
of the Polytechnic school were seen in the 
mob, and every eye was fixed upon them. 
Two tribunals only were reserved; in the one 
destined to form a diplomatic body there 
were four persons, among whom the minister 
of the United States was conspicuous; the 
other was occupied by the duchess of Or- 
leans and her family. 

At the office in which the president and 
secretarie^s were sitting, was reared a canopy 
covered with violet velvet, bearing on its 
top a crown surmounted with a tricoloured 
banner. Under it was placed a magnificent 
chair, surrounded by flags of the same kind. 
Joy sparkled in every eye at the sight of the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 69 

national colours, so long exiled from the 
country. 

This assembly consisted of about 300 per- 
sons; 60 peers, and 240 deputies, all drest 
in peasant's garments. 

About one o'clock, a round of artillery 
and shouts from without, announced the ar- 
rival of the lieutenant-general of the king- 
dom. 

The deputies and peers immediately took 
their place, and a profound silence reigned 
throughout. The duke of Orleans, preceded 
only by the great deputation and his aide-de- 
camps, and accompanied by his young son, 
the duke of Nemours, entered on a firm step, 
his head uncovered, and clad in the habit of 
lieutenant-general. He walked up the stairs 
to the right with his son, and having saluted 
the assembly, sat down on a stool, before the 
empty throne. The young duke of Nemours 
sat on the right of his father. 

Immediately there resounded from all parts 
of the hall, unanimous shouts of " long live 
the duke of Orleans ! Long live the lieutenant- 
general of the kingdom! Long live the char- 
ter!'^ Amid these acclamations and plau- 
dits, the duchess of Orleans, and the prin- 



70 HISTORY OF THE 

cesses her daughters, entered the box that 
had been reserved for them. 

Meanwhile, this moment of enthusiasm 
was succeeded by the most silent attention. 
" Gentlemen, take your seats," said the 
prince, slowly turning his eyes around the 
assembly. Then with a grave voice, and an 
accent of deep conviction, he read the fol- 
lowing : — 

" ADDRESS. 

"Peers and deputies — Paris, troubled in 
its repose by a deplorable violation of the 
charter and of the laws, defended them with 
heroic courage! In the midst of this san- 
guinary struggle, the guarantees of social 
order no longer subsisted. Persons, proper- 
ty, rights, every thing that is most valuable 
and dear to men and to citizens, were ex- 
posed to the most serious dangers. 

" In this absence of all public, power, the 
wishes of my fellow citizens have turned to- 
wards mej they have judged me worthy to 
concur with them in the salvation of the 
country; they have invited me to exercise 
the functions of lieutenant-general of the 
kingdom. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 71 

" This course appeared to me to be just, 
the dangers increasing, the necessity im- 
perative, my duty sacred. I hastened into 
the midst of this valiant people, follov^^ed 
by my family, and wearing those colours 
which, for the second time, have marked 
among us the triumph of liberty. 

"I have come firmly resolved to devote 
myself to all that circumstances should re- 
quire of me, in the situation in which they 
have placed me, to re-establish the empire 
of the laws, to save liberty which was 
threatened, and to render impossible the re- 
turn of such great evils, by securing for ever 
the power of that charter, whose name, in- 
voked during the contest, was also appealed 
to after the victory. 

" In the accomplishment of this noble task, 
it is for the chambers to guide me. All 
rights must be solemnly guaranteed^ all the 
institutions necessary to their full and free 
exercise, must receive the developments 
which they require. Attached by inclina- 
tion and conviction to the principles of a 
free government, I accept, beforehand, all 
the consequences of it. I think ,it my duty 
immediately to call your attention to the or- 



72 HISTORY OF THE 

ganization of the national guards, to the ap- 
plication of the jury to the crimes of the 
press, the formation of the departmental and 
municipal administrations, and, above all, 
to that 14th article of the charter* which has 
been so hatefully interpreted. It is with 
these sentiments, gentlemen, that I come to 
open this session. 

"The past is painful to me. I deplore 
misfortunes which I could have wished to 
prevent; but in the midst of this magnani- 
mous transport of the capital, and of all the 
other French cities, at the sight of order re- 
viving with marvellous promptness, after a 
resistance free from all excesses, a just na- 
tional pride move's my heart; and I look for- 
ward with confidence to the future destiny 
of the country. 

" Yes, gentlemen, France, which is so 
dear to us, will be happy and free; it will 

* The article of the charter referred to, is as follows: 
" The King is the Supreme Head of the State — 
commands the land and sea forces — declares war — 
makes treaties of peace, alliance and commerce — no- 
minates to all offices in the public administration — and 
makes the regulations and ordinances necessary for the 
execution of the laws, and the safety of the State." 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1850. 73 

show to England, that, solely engaged with 
its prosperity, it loves peace as well as li- 
berty, and desires only the happiness and 
the repose of its neighbours. 

" Respect for all rights — care for all inte- 
rests — good faith to the government — are 
the best means to disarm parties, and to 
bring back to people's minds that confidence 
—to the constitution that stability, which are 
the only certain pledges of the people, and 
of the strength of states. 

" Peers and deputies — As soon as the cham- 
ber shall be constituted, I shall have laid 
before you the acts of abdication by his ma- 
jesty, Charles X. By the same act Louis 
Antoine de France, also renounces his rights. 
This act was placed in my hands yesterday, 
the 2d of August, at eleven o'clock at night. 
I have, this morning, ordered it to be depo- 
sited in the archives of the chamber of peers, 
and caused it to be inserted in the official 
part of the Moniteur." 

Let us now take a glance at the court of 
the ex-king. 

While events were succeeding each other 
with such great rapidity in Paris, Charles X. 
awaited, outside of the city, the consequences 

G 



74 HISTORY OF THE 

of a political stroke by which he had just 
tried to break the constitutional shackles 
he had so long borne with regret. 

Convinced that his violent measures would 
be successful, he confidently expected news 
from Paris. On the 26th, the day of the pub- 
lication of these fatal decrees, the Moniteur 
announced that the king had gone to hunt in 
Rambouillet. On the 28 th he returned to 
St. Cloud. Not till then did he receive in- 
telligence of the city being in a ferment: al- 
most at the same instant he was apprized 
that the civic guard had taken up arms, that 
the people were running to the defence of 
their rights. 

But in this overwhelming catastrophe 
every action of the king was destined to be 
marked with the stigma of silliness and im- 
providence. When they represented to him 
a picture of the state of the capital, he drily 
answered: "Never mind, a few charges of 
the soldiers will stop that business." 

On the same day the Moniteur announced 
to indignant France that Marmont, duke of 
Ragusa, was appointed to the command of 
the first military division. Thus Charles X, 
burdened the government of Paris with a 

/ 



■HH 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 75 

traitor who not long since sold Paris to a 
stranger. But such faults, or rather such 
crimes, could not long escape vengeance. 

On the 29 th, in the afternoon, the wreck 
of the royal guard, the lancers, and cuiras- 
siers, arrived at St. Cloud. Men of expe- 
rience were convinced, that, as to the court, 
all was lost; but such was the stubborn stu- 
pidity of the king, that he looked upon all 
these events as trifling and unimportant— 
" Dont fret yourselves," said he to the cour- 
tesans around him, " it will not last one hun- 
dred days* this bout.'* 

As for Polignac, he only answered the re- 
proaches that were showered on him by these 
words: " Such was my idea— Besides, if they 
are not pleased, they can cut off my head." 
Peyronnetwas the only one who preserved 
his presence of mind; "I foresaw it all" 
said he, " even the civil war." 

Thus was the court situated when Ragusa 
appeared. He was very ill received by the 
dauphin, who told him: "All that has been 
done is the work of treason. I perceive, too 

* Alluding to Napoleon's last reign of one hundred 
days. 



76 HISTORY OF THE 

late, that traitors are incorrigible. You have 
betrayed us as you did the other."* 

He afterwards reproached him with hav- 
ing transgressed the instructions he had 
received, in not putting the Parisians in 
irons; in not arresting the deputies on Wed- 
nesday, as he was positively ordered to do; 
finally, in having damped the ardour of the 
troops, by telling them, that negotiations had 
been entered into with the rebels. 

Ragusa attempted to justify his conduct ; 
but the duke of Angouleme flew at him, and 
inflicted many blows on his breast and throat. 

The marshal threatening to defened him- 
self, the indignant prince demanded his 
sword. The moment the marshal delivered 
it, the prince seized it so quickly and so 
awkwardly, that he cut his hands. He im- 
mediately called his guards. In an instant a 
dozen guards were present with fixed bayo- 
nets, and seeing the prince wounded, w^ere 
about to pierce the marshal. The duke of 
Angouleme stopped them: " He is a traitor," 
said he, " but I would have him live." This 
scene was soon known, and Charles X. expe- 
rienced much trouble in effecting a reconci- 
* Bonaparte, 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 77 

liation. The dauphin in the mean time con- 
sented to pardon him. " I have also been in 
the wrong," said he to Marmont, but I have 
been well punished for if, look at my hands.'* 

On the 30th, about six in the morning, the 
duke of Angouleme passed through the alley 
of St. Cloud, to review about one thousand 
men, the wreck of the 3d and 6th regiments . 
of royal guards. Some Swiss companies 
were drawn up in front of the porcelain fac- 
tory5 two pieces of cannon and two covered 
waggons, with a number of barrels, were 
thrown up for a battery on the bridge of 
Sevres, The gait of the prince, the pose of 
his hat thrown behind, and the smile that 
played continually on his lips, formed a sin- 
gular contrast with the grave and medita- 
tive countenances of these warriors, whose 
thoughts seemed to be entirely absorbed by 
the recollection of the events that transpired 
on the foregoing day, by a foresight of the 
judgment that would be pronounced against 
them by their cotemporaries and by poste- 
rity, and by the infamous treason of which 
an ill comprehended military duty rendered 
them the blind instruments. 

An inhabitant of Sevres, addressing him- 
G 2 



78 HISTORY OF THE 

self to a sergeant, said, — '^ Do you know, sir, 
against whom you have been fighting?'*— 
"Alas, yes I it is against the men who are 
defending our rights; but what would you 
have us do? We are soldiers: they com- 
mand: we must obey.'* The sergeant rejoin- 
ed his corps with a slow pace, and with the 
air of a man whose conscience, rather than 
reason, condemned this horrible doctrine, 
which made an inhuman monster of an hon- 
est man. 

This review was such, that during the day, 
Charles X., not counting any longer on as- 
sistance from the troops of the line, sent to 
the colonel of the 50th regiment, to inform 
him, that he had no more need of his ser- 
vices. After this declaration, the colonel, 
accompanied by the sharp shooters of the 
2d battalion, repaired to St. Cloud to deliver 
up his fiag. Afterwards, the whole regi- 
ment, both officers and soldiers, dispersed. 

On the same day, the division of Borde- 
soulle, which had left Versailles to march to 
Paris, retraced their steps, and presented 
themselves at the gate of the avenue of Paris, 
asking permission to enter Versailles, in 
order to return to their quarters; but the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 79 

sentinel of the national guards, charged with 
the defence of this barrier, signified to gene- 
ral Bordesoulle that the troops could not 
enter the village, without delivering up their 
arms, as all the other soldiers who presented 
themselves at the gate, had done beforej and 
that if they had recourse to force, they would 
be repelled by force. 

General Bordesoulle not daring to attack 
it, his regiment was obliged to pass the 
night on the road. 

The next morning a parley took place. 
The mayor of Versailles, accompanied by M. 
Benoit and another citizen, both in uniform, 
repaired to the rendezvous, after reciprocal 
explanation, a commander of the royal guards 
accompanied them, and declared to the in- 
habitants of Versailles, that all was pacified: 
that all the French were friends, and would 
fight no more. Immediately afterwards the 
entire division entered, amid shouts of Vive 
la charte! 

This division was composed of a batallion 
of royal guards on foot, and of the gendarmes 
of Paris, as many foot as horsey of a regi- 
ment of grenadiers, on horseback; a compa- 



80 HISTORY OF THE 

ny of artillery, on horseback, and a regiment 
of cuirassiers. On the night of the 30th and 
3 1st, the court departed for Trianon, and 
soon after arrived at Rambouillet, leaving to 
the Swiss and the royal guards the defence 
of St. Cloud, which was soon attacked, and 
taken by fifty citizens led on by three pupils 
of the Polytechnic school. But these brave 
people being attacked in their turn, two 
hours after by the lancers, were forced to 
retreat. This triumph of the royal troops 
was of short duration, for the lancers had 
scarcely time to enter the courts, before a 
strong detachment of Parisians, on a quick 
march, arranged themselves for battle, and 
commenced a tremendous firej they fought 
furiously, and after a conflict of two hours, 
the lancers retreated in disorder, leaving the 
court of the Chateau covered with the dead, 
and bearing off their colonel, the duke of 
Timargou, mortally wounded. On the news 
of this reverse, the king departed for Ram- 
bouillet, where he arrived on the 1st of 
August. 

Two days after, the lieutenant-general, as 
he had announced to the chambers, published 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 81 

the following piece, addressed to him by 
Charles X. 

" ABDICATION. 

" Cousin — I am too profoundly grieved 
by the evils which afflict or might threaten 
my people, not to have sought a means of 
preventing them. I have, therefore, taken 
the resolution to abdicate the crown in fa- 
vour of my grandson, the duke de Bordeaux. 

"The dauphin, who partakes my senti- 
ments, also renounces his rights in favour of 
his nephew. 

" You must, then, in your quality of lieu- 
tenant-general of the kingdom, cause the 
ascension of Henry V, to the crown to be 
proclaimed. You will take, besides, all the 
measures which concern you to regulate the 
form of the government during the minority 
of the new king. Here I confine myself to 
making known these dispositions: it is the 
means of avoiding many evils. 

" You will communicate my intentions to 
the diplomatic body; and you will acquaint 
me as soon as possible with the proclamation 
by which my grandson shall have been re- 



82 HISTORY OF THE 

cognised king- of France, under the name of 
Henry V. 

"I charge lieutenant-general Viscount de 
Foissac Latour to deliver this letter to you. 
He has orders to settle with you the arrange- 
ments to be made in favour, of the persons 
who have accompanied me, as well as the ar- 
rangements necessary for what concerns me 
and the rest of my family. 

" We will afterwards regulate the other 
measures which will be the consequence of 
the change of the reign. 

" I repeat to you, my cousin, the assurance 
of the sentiments with which I am your af- 
fectionate cousin, " Charles, 

" Louis Antoine. 
« Rambmiilletf August 2d, 1830." 

The reading of this letter produced a 
burst of indignation and pity: "What!" 
cried they, from all quarters; " what! Charles 
thCirTenth: had he the audacity to say, *by 
the evils which afflict, or which threaten his 
people!* Who then has caused these evils? 
Who has made the soldiers fire at, and mas- 
sacre the heroic population of Paris? * His 
people P thanks to heaven, the French people 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 83 

belong to no one. What excess of impu- 
dence! Charles the Tenth, in speaking of 
the French nation, says again: *his peoplel* 
And * HIS people* he bequeaths, like a vile 
flock, to this child, whose origin was a mys- 
tery; to this child, so unfortunately born; to 
this child, who is to be pitied, because he is 
not guilty; to this child, who, if he were the 
grandchild of Charles the Tenth, would be 
marked with universal reproach! 

"You abdicate! We reje'ct your abdica- 
tion, — you have fallen, legitimately fallen; 
France discarded you, your son, and your 
pretended grandson. She will have nothing 
more to do with you, — begone, lest your 
presence sully the sun of France. You have 
surpassed Charles IX.; and posterity will 
be just when it shall say, ' Charles the per- 
juredJ' '* 

This act of abdication, Charles accompa- 
nied with a letter, in which he requested a 
safe conduct for himself, his family, and his 
retinue; lastly to stipulate the conditions of 
the exile to which he was condemned. His 
retinue was as soon as possible named, 
and set off for Rambouillet. But a new 
piece of folly was committed by the king, 



84 HISTOHY OF THE 

who, at the conclusion of the mass, sent post 
haste to Paris the following note, remarka- 
ble only for its stupidity: 

" The king wishing to put an end to the 
troubles that exist in the capital, and in a part 
of France, relying besides upon the sincere at- 
tachment of his cousin, the duke of Orleans, 
he appoints him lieutenant-general of the 
kingdom. 

" The king, having thought it convenient 
to repeal his ordinances of the 25th July, 
sanctions the meeting of the chambers on 
the 3d of August, and hopes that they will 
re-establish the tranquillity of France. 

" The king will remain here till the return 
of the person charged with the delivery of 
this declaration. If any attempt be made 
against the life or liberty of the king or his 
family, he will defend himself to the last drop 
of his blood. 

" Given at Rambouillei, August 2d, 1830. 

« Charles." 

The king was in the same mood when the 
commissaries arrived at Rambouillet One 
of them, the duke of Coigny, was alone intro- 
duced to the ex-king, who asked him who ac- 
companied him? — 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 85 

The duke answered that his companions 
were the duke of Tarento, Schonen and Odil- 
lon Barot. 

" That's a smart piece of business," said 
the king. 

" It were to be wished, Sire," returned the 
^ther, " that it was more so, I could then an- 
swer more assuredly for the life of your ma- 
jesty." 

" We are not come to that pass yet, sir,' and 
I tell you plainly, I will not receive your col- 
leagues. I have expedited new decrees to 
Parisj I will await an answer to them." The 
duke of Coigny having retired, communicated 
to his colleagues the substance of the discourse 
he had had with the ex-king and all four re- 
turned as soon as possible to Paris. 

As soon as this affair came to be known 
every one ran to arms. Hackney coaches, 
stages, and omnibuses were put into a state 
of requisition; and ten thousand men, com- 
manded by general Pajol, set off by post. 
But when they arrived at Rambouillet the 
court had resigned: Charles had restored the 
diamonds of the crown, and accompanied by 
his retinue, took the route of Cherbourg. 

H 



86 HISTORY or THE 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Throne declared vacant. — Disciission of the Question 
of Government. — Speech of Chateaubriand. — Offer of 
the Crown to the Duke of Orleans, who accepts it.—' 
Accusation of the Ex-ministers. — Coronation of Louis 
Philip. — Discontent of the People. — Law for the relief 
of the Families of the killed and wounded in the Revo- 
lution. 

On Monday, August the 7th, the lieute- 
tenant-general nominated as members of the 
provisional government, 

M. GuizoT, Minister of the Interior. 
Baron Louis, Minister of Finance. 
M. DupoNT DE l'Eure, Minister of Jus- 
tice. 
General Gerard, Minister of War. 
Count Reinhart, Minister of Foreign 

Aifairs. 
M. GiROD DE L'AiN, Minister of the 
Prefecture of the Police. 
On the same evening, the Marquis de la 
Roche Jacqueline arrived fiom Rambouillet, 
with the act of abdication. 

The dauphin also absolved the military 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 87 

from their oath of allegiance to him. The 
jewels of the crown were put in the hands of 
General Pajol, to be carried to Paris. The 
news was communicated in the following 
despatch: 

" Rambouillet, Jlugust 3d, (evening.) 
" Monseigneur, 

" It is with joy that we announce the suc- 
cess of our mission. The king has consented 
to depart with his family. We shall inform 
your highness of every incident of our jour- 
ney with the greatest precision. May it 
have a happy termination! 

" We take the road to Cherbourg. The 
troops have been ordered to Epernon. To- 
morrow morning we shall know definitively, 
who is to accompany the king. With the 
utmost respect, &c. 

" De Schonen. 

" Marshal Maison. 

"Odillon Barot.'* 

On Friday, August the 6th, the chamber 
of deputies declared the throne vacant, and 
proposed a change in certain articles of the 
charter. On the succeeding day, it was de- 
clared, that the general and pressing inte- 



88 HISTORY OF THE 

r^sts of the French nation, call to the throne 
his royal highness, Louis Philippe d'Orleans 
lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and his 
descendants for ever, from male to male, in 
order of primogeniture, to the perpetual ex- 
clusion of females and their descendants. 
Consequently, that his royal highness be in- 
vited to fulfil the above clauses and engage- 
ments, the observances of the constitutional 
charter, and the modifications pointed out; 
and having done so, to assume the title of 
king of the French. 

This question was w^armly discussed in 
the house of deputies. 

M. de Conny called upon them to pause, 
reminding them that force did not constitute 
right; and implored them at that terrible 
moment, not to suffer themselves to be sub- 
jugated by the cries heard from vt^ithout; 
but to remember their oaths, and to acknow- 
ledge the sacred rights of the duke of Bor- 
deaux. 

M. B. Constant declared that no alarm 
need be excited by the agitation without — 
that a prince was required of a different 
character from the last, whose acts had been 
so dreadful and deplorable — that legitimacy 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 89 

was no longer to be invoked, and should be 
abjured, since it had stained the streets with 
blood. 

M. Hyde de Neuville declared, that for 
himself, he had done all a Frenchman could 
do to prevent the calamities which had fallen 
on the nation — that he had not betrayed that 
family, whom false friends had precipitated 
into an abyss. He advised them to delibe- 
rate, and not to trust the fate of the country 
to the impressions of a moment. " With 
my hand on my heart,'* said he " I must re- 
pel the dangerous sovereignty which you 
propose." 

M. Alex, de Laborde advocated the cause 
of the duke of Orleans warmly, whom the 
acknowledgment of the duke of Bordeaux 
would compel to bow before an infant, recall- 
ing by his presence nothing but crimes and 
misfortunes; besides, he declared the former 
to be descended more directly, if historical 
legitimacy be in question, than the latter, 
from that king whose memory they all vene- 
rated. 

M. Peton pronounced legitimacy as over- 
whelmed by seas of blood. 

M. Berryer would not admit that the 
H 2 



90 HISTORY OF THE 

throne was vacant — and denied the right of 
the chamber to pronounce it so. 

M. Villemain summoned the chamber to 
proclaim its independence, by an act offering 
the throne to the duke of Orleans, and stipu- 
lating guaranties for the stability of order. 

M. Podenas proposed that ' the throne 
should be declared vacant, in consequence of 
the violation of the charter, and of the laws.' 
In support of this, he drew a picture of the 
events which had led to the fall of the ex- 
king, who, he said, ' was the worthy heir to 
the ferocity of Charles IX., and had not the 
courage to show himself in the hour of 
danger.' 

M. de Martignac, cautiously attempted 
to interest the feelings of the members in fa- 
vour of the king; of whom he declared his 
conviction that he was any thing but fero- 
cious, and had only been deceived; that he 
himself had known him long and well, and 
was sure that the love of his country was upr- 
permost in his feelings. 

M. Berard could not, * with sang-froid, 
hear it stated that the heart of Charles 
glowed with the sacred fire of love of coun- 
try. The sceptre was in his hands the sym- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 91 

bol of protection, he had broken it upon his 
people.' 

M. Alexis de Noailles defended the king, 
and like the others of his party, threw all the 
blame upon the ministers. 

The proposed alterations in the charter 
were then discussed and put to vote sepa- 
rately, and afterwards on the whole; special 
provisions were also made for annulling the 
peerages created by Charles X., for reform- 
ing the peerage and judiciary, and for other 
matters. 

Two days afterwards, the house of peers 
sat to deliberate on the declaration received 
from the chamber of deputies. Chateau- 
briand opposed it, and stood forth as the 
champion of the young duke of Bordeaux, 
in a speech more distinguishable for its elo- 
quence, than for its liberalism. We give it 
at full length. 

" Gentlemen: — The declaration which 
has been brought before this chamber, ap- 
pears to me far less confused, than it does to 
those peers who profess to differ with me in 
opinion. There is one feature in this de- 
claration, which is primary to, or rather 



92 HISTORY OF THE 

tends to destroy, every other. If we were in 
a state of perfect civil order, I should with- 
out doubt carefully consider those changes 
which, it is now pretended, are made in our 
charter. Many of these changes have been 
proposed by myself. I am only astonished 
that this chamber can for one moment dis- 
cuss the expediency of a reaction on the 
peers created by Charles X. I am not by 
any means an advocate for them as a body, 
and you know that I have been the object of 
their threats^ but to appoint ourselves the 
judges of our colleagues, and to erase from 
the number of peers, whomsoever we may at 
any time wish, appear to me too much bor- 
dering on proscription. Is it intended to de- 
stroy the peerage.^ It were better to lose 
our lives than to seek for it. 

" I have already taken up too much of your 
time on a subject which, though of great im- 
portance, yet must give way to the greatness 
of the present events. France is without 
any firm government, and I shall now take 
up your attention with considering how 
much it would be necessary to add to, or 
take from, the masts of a vessel, which has 
already lost its helm. In my discussion on 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 93 

the declaration of the chamber, I shall waive 
all secondary considerations, and confine my- 
self solely to the real or pretended vacancy 
of the throne. 

" A question ought previously to be consi- 
dered; if the throne is vacant, are we free to 
choose our form of government? Before of- 
fering the crown to any individual, it would 
be well to determine what is to be the form 
of our civil government, whether that of a 
republic or monarchy. 

" Does either a republic or a newly modell- 
ed monarchy offer to France any securities 
that its strength and peace shall be secured? 
A republic would carry with it recollections 
of our former republic. Those recollections 
have not yet been forgotten. The people 
still remember the time when liberty and 
equality were but made the pretexts for mur- 
der. If anarchy should again stalk over our 
land, shall we be able to arouse from his rock 
the slumbering Hercules, who alone could 
crush the monster? There have not been 
more than five or six such men recorded in 
the page of history, and can you expect to 
see another Napoleon? 

" Besides, our own habits and our relations 



94 HISTORY OF THE 

with neighbouring powers make the forma- 
tion of a republic perfectly impracticable. 
The first obstacle would be the difficulty of 
creating a unanimity among the French 
themselves. What right has Paris to im- 
pose on Marseilles or any other city a repub- 
lican government? Shall there be but one 
republic, or twenty or thirty? Shall they be 
federal or independent? However, waiving 
these objections, let us suppose one united 
republic. Do you believe, while conscious 
of the enthusiasm of the French character, 
that any president, however resolute or ta- 
lented he may be, could remain more than 
one year at the head of the administration? 
Neither defended by the laws nor by past re- 
collections, insulted continually by secret ri- 
vals and by promoters of disturbance, he 
could not inspire that confidence so neces- 
sary to commerce, nor be possessed of that 
dignity suitable in transactions with foreign 
nations, nor could he command the power 
requisite for the maintenance of order at 
home. If he were to use revolutionary mea- 
sures, the republic would attach odium on 
itselfj and the rest of Europe, profiting from 
our divisions, would foment our quarrels, 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 95 

until we should find ourselves plunged anew 
into frightful struggles. 

" A representative republic will perhaps 
hereafter constitute the government of all 
countries, but the time for such a state of 
things has not yet arrived. 

" I now proceed to the consideration of 
monarchy. A monarch, whose appointment 
is to depend on the selection of the chambers 
or people, will always be a novelty. But I 
suppose that the victory which the people 
have lately so gloriously gained, has for its 
object the attainment of their liberty, parti- 
cularly the freedom of the press. But will not 
every monarchy, sooner or later, be obliged 
to destroy this very liberty? Even the ta- 
lents and power of a Napoleon were not suffi- 
cient to permit its existence. Gained by our 
misfortunes, and perpetually a victim to our 
glory, the liberty of the press will alone find 
security in the stability of a well founded go- 
vernment. Would not a monarchy, the 
reeking bastard of a night of bloody (batarde 
d'une nuit sanglante) be obliged to recoil from 
the opinions of independent men? If some 
advocate a republican form, others a differ- 
ent system, do you not fear that you will be 



96 HISTORY OF THE 

obliged to resort to the laws of exception^ 
notwithstanding the suppression of the 8th 
word (Art. VIII of the charter). Then, ye 
friends of organized liberty, Avhat will you 
have gained by the change which is now 
proposed? You will inevitably be ingulfed 
in republicanism or legalised servitude. Mo- 
narchy will be borne and swept down the 
tide by the torrent of democratic legislation, 
or the monarch himself will be swallowed 
up in the vortex of faction. In the glow of 
success we picture to ourselves that every 
thing is feasible — we anticipate a remedy for 
our wants — the attainment of our prosperity. 
Each one flatters himself that the rest will 
divest themselves of vanity and interest^ it 
is believed that the superior talents and wis- 
dom of the government will surmount every 
barrier; but after the lapse of a few months, 
practice will give the lie to theory. 

"You have before you, gentlemen, but a 
few of the inconveniences ancillary to the 
formation of a republic, or newly modelled 
monarchy. If either be perilous, there is an 
alternative, and it is incumbent on me to say 
a few words on this point. 

"The splendour of the diadem has been 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 97 

sullied by the treachery of its ministers, who 
have attempted to seal the violation of their 
faith, with the blood of our citizens, and have 
gambled away their oaths, sworn before 
earth and heaven. 

" Strangers, you who twice have entered 
Paris without resistance, learn now the cause 
of your success. You imagine you have the 
shield of the laws to screen your violations. 
If to-day you were to lend your aid to tyran- 
ny, think you that the gates of the capital of 
the civilized world would open thus easily to 
your approach? The French race has be- 
come colossal, since your departure, under 
the laws of the constitution. Our boys of 
fourteen have assumed the bearing of giants 
—our conscripts of Algiers, our scholars at 
Paris, have awakened to enterprise the sons 
of the victors of Austerlitz, Marengo, and 
Jena — sons emblazoned with all the splen- 
dour that liberty can add to glory. 

" Never was there a more just or heroic 
opposition to despotism than that made by 
the people of Paris. They have not risen to 
violate, but vindicate the laws; while our 
rulers revered the social compact, the peo- 
ple were peaceable; they have brooked in- 



98 HISTORY OF THE 

suit, provocation and menace, without com- 
plaint; they have lavished their money and 
their blood in exchange for the charter: but, 
after having deceived us to the last hour, 
the ministers have proclaimed our slavery. 
When the combination of servility and hypo- 
crisy flashed upon us— when the terror of the 
castle, organized by eunuchs, thought itself 
able to impose upon us the horrors of a repub- 
lic and the iron yoke of an empire, then did 
the people put on the armour of intelligence 
and courage— our very shopkeepers manned 
the cannon, and proved that it required more 
than four soldiers and a corporal to enforce 
obedience. A century could not more have 
ripened the destinies of a people, than the 
last three suns that have shone upon France. 
A great crime has been committed; it has 
produced the energetic explosion of our feel- 
ing. Should this crime, and the moral and 
political triumph which has now been 
achieved, be added as a pretext for the abo- 
lition of established order? Let us see. 

" Charles X. and his son have lost their 
thrones, or if you will, have abdicated; but, 
is the throne therefore to be declared vacant? 
There is yet an infant child, and is he to be 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 99 

the innocent victim to the crimes of his an- 
cestors? What blood has yet stained his 
hands? Can you say that it is that which 
has been shed by his father? This orphan, 
educated in our colleges, with a love for a 
constitutional government, and with a pre- 
possession for the ideas of the present age, 
could be modelled into a sovereign, whose 
government should accord with future events. 
It is the guardian of this ward who ought to 
answer to the declaration on which you are 
now going to vote. When arrived at man- 
hood, this young monarch would again re- 
new his oaths. The present king, who is 
now actually our sovereign, would have been 
willing to appoint the duke d'Orleans as re- 
gent to his grandson, a prince who has lived 
among the people, and who knows, that a 
monarchy, in order to insure support, must 
be directed by the will of the people and by 
reason. This natural connexion has appear- 
ed to me a great means to promote concilia- 
tion, and would perhaps have saved France 
from those calamities which are ever conse- 
quent on violent changes in a state. 

" Is it not preposterous to declare, that 
this child, separated from his former masters, 



100 HISTORY OF THE 

would not cease to forget them? or is it to 
be supposed, that, after a long education 
among the people, and after the dreadful 
■warning of the dethronement of two kings in 
two nights, he would still cling to those dog- 
matical principles, imbued in his early in- 
fancy? 

" I do not mean to contend, that the blood 
of Louis IX., flowing in the veins of young 
Henry, would instil nobler sentiments into 
the youthful prince. I believe not in the di- 
vine right of kings; but I believe in the power 
of revelation and facts. I bring not even the 
charter to my support; I draw my ideas 
from a higher source; I deduce them from 
those considerations which will influence 
me, when I am about to die. Influenced by 
these sentiments, I propose the duke of 
Bourdeaux, as our future sovereign; believ- 
ing that such a measure would be productive 
of more advantage than any other. 

" I know that in the dethronement of this 
child, it is thought that the sovereignty of 
the people will be established. How mis- 
taken is such a notion; the foolish idea of 
the old school, which tends but to prove that 
our old democrats have not made more pro- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 101 

gress than the ancient supporters of royalty. 
Liberty does not flow from political rights, 
as was supposed in the eighteenth century; 
it comes from our natural rights, which exist 
under every form of government. A monar- 
chy may be as free, or perhaps more free, 
than a republic; but this is not the time to 
lay down any course of policy. I shall only 
remark, that in disposing of thrones, the peo- 
ple have often involved the loss of their own 
liberty. The principle of hereditary monar- 
chy, however absurd it may appear, has been 
sanctioned by custom, as being preferable to 
elective. The reasons are so evident, that I 
shall not now dwell on them. You may 
elect a king to-day, but who is to prevent 
you from displacing him by another to-mor- 
row? The law, you will perhaps say. The 
law! But who are they that have made the 
laws? You assert the sovereignty of your 
physical strength, but beware of this strength; 
for if it escapes you, you will have just rea- 
son to rue it. Such is human nature. The 
most intelligent and just minds are not al- 
ways superior to the effects of success. 
These are ever foremost in asserting their 
rights against violence, and in supporting 

I 2 



102 HISTORY OF THE 

those rights with all their talents; but at the 
very moment that the justice of their cause 
is proved by the basest tyranny, and by the 
ruin of that tyranny, they seize upon that 
strength, which they were instrumental in 
destroying—miserable stumps that unprofit- 
ably wound their own hands. 

" I have transported my argument to the 
ground of my adversaries. I am not going 
to bivouac on the past, beneath the old ban- 
ner of the dead; a banner which, though not 
inglorious, flags along its staff, for no breath 
of life plays around it. Should I stir up the 
dust of thirty-five Capets, I could not there dis- 
cover an argument which would be listened 
to. The idolatry of a name is abolished; 
monarchy is no more a religion, it is a poli- 
tical form, preferable at this moment to every 
other, because it introduces at once order 
and liberty. 

" Useless as Cassandra, I have already fa- 
tigued the throne and the nation with my dis- 
dained prophecies; it only remains for me to 
lay myself down on a fragment of that wreck 
which I have so often predicted. I recog- 
nise with regret, every kind of power, except 
that of unbinding me from my oath of fideli- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 103 

ty. I should also render my life unitorm, 
after all that I have done, said and written 
for the Bourbons, I would be the basest of 
all wretches, were I to flinch, when for the 
third and last time, they stood on the verge 
of exile. I leave fear to those generous roy- 
alists, who have never sacrificed a farthing 
or a post to their loyalty; to those cham- 
pions of the altar and the throne, who treated 
me as a renegade, an apostate, and a revolu- 
tionist. Pious libellists, the renegade calls 
you; now breathe but a word of regret, a 
single word with him, for the unfortunate 
master that has loaded you with presents 
and whom you have for ever lost. Ye that 
provoked the scourges of the state; preach- 
ers of constituent power, where are you? 
You shrink into that mire from the bottom 
of which you formerly raised your heads to 
calumniate the true friends of the king: 
Your silence to-day, is worthy your language 
yesterday. It is natural that all these brava- 
does, whose projected exploits have chased 
the descendants of Henry IV. with pitch- 
forks, now tremble and duck before the tri- 
coloured cockade. The noble colours with 
which they plume themselves, will protect 



104 HISTORY OF THE 

their persons, but can never screen their cow- 
ardice. Moreover, in expressing myself thu s 
frankly to this tribunal, I do not conceive 
that I am performing an act of heroism. 
We are not living in that age, when an opi- 
nion costs a man his head: were such the 
case, I would speak a hundred times louder. 
The best shield is a breast that fears not to 
uncover itself to an enemy. No, gentlemen, 
we have to dread neither a people whose rea- 
son equals its courage, nor the generous 
youth whom I admire, with whom all the fa- 
culties of my soul sympathize, and to whom 
I wish, as well as my country, honour, glory, 
liberty. 

" Far from me be the thought of strewing 
the seeds of division through France; and on 
this account have I divested my discourse of 
the accents of passion. Were I intimately 
convinced that a child should be left in ob- 
scure rank and happy in life, to insure the 
repose of thirty-three millions of men, I 
would have regarded as a crime every word 
uttered in contradiction to the necessity of 
the times; but I have no such conviction. 
Had I the disposal of the crown, I would 
cheerfully lay it at the feet of the duke of Or- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 105 

l^eans. But all that I can see vacant is the 
royal vault at St Denis, not the throne. 

" Whatever destiny awaits the lieutenant- 
general of the kingdom, I shall never be his 
enemy, if he advance the prosperity of my 
country. I only ask for the preservation of 
the liberty of my conscience, and the right 
of laying myself down to die wherever I can 
find repose and independence. 

" I vote against the projected declaration." 

The whole declaration was adopted, with 
the exception of the clause annulling the 
peerages created by Charles X. 

Paris appeared, from early in the next 
morning, as a festival. Multitudes moved 
towards the chamber of deputies, but none 
were admitted without tickets. A tribune 
was prepared, and kept vacant for the Or- 
leans family, and one for the diplomatic 
corps, and but few other places were re- 
served. The doors were opened at noon, 
when persons supplied with tickets were ad- 
mitted, most of those in the tribunes were la- 
dies. At about one o'clock, the deputies 
were called into the committee room, to cast 
lots for the grand deputation to receive the 
lieutenant-general. 



106 HISTORY OF THK 

At that moment, the peers arrived in 
great numbers. The two ranges on the 
right had been reserved. There were pre- 
sent, Talleyrand, d'Ambrugeac, Marquis 
d'Aligre,duke de la Trimouille, Baron Mont- 
morency, count Castellane, duke de Broglie, 
count de Ponticoulant, duke de Castries, 
Portal, Roy, Chaptal, Mollien, Montebello, 
Simeon, Portalis, Claparede, Chollet, Mon- 
talivet, St. Aulaire, Belliarn, Boissel de Mon- 
ville, and count de Soules. The duke of 
Montebello had his arm in a sling, having 
been wounded in fighting three days for the 
revolution. 

A large chair, raised on one step, and 
placed under a canopy of decorated crimson 
velvet, and shaded with tricoloured flags, &c. 
Two tables, covered with frieze velvet, stood 
a little in advance, on one of which was a 
writing desk with papers, and on the other 
the crown, sceptre, sword and hand of jus- 
tice. In a corresponding style of simplicity 
was the dress of the deputies and peers, 
which was that of citizens. 

Opposite the throne, was the place of the 
reporters, and on gilt seats were placed nu- 
merous ladies. An English officer was pre- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 107 

sent, and several persons believed to be 
American diplomatists. Princess Bagra- 
tion, and a Spanish lady, were remarked. 
One of the tribunes, in an angle on the right 
of the throne, being reserved for the Orleans 
family, was occupied at a quarter past two, 
by the duchess of Orleans, Mile. d'Orleans, 
her daughter, the young duchesses de Valois 
and de Beaujolais, the duke de Joinville, and 
the duke d'Aumale — the last about eight 
years old. Mile. d'Orleans, sister of the 
duke, was also present. 

The duke approached on horseback, 
with his two sons, the dukes de Chartres, 
and de Nemours. They were announced 
by artillery. He was attended by a very 
small staff, which general Gerard joined. 
The " Reveil du Peuple," and the " Mar- 
seillaise,'* being heard, the deputies and 
peers took their seats. The duke entered, 
but without military guard or courtiers. 
The committees took their seats with their 
colleagues, and there were then about 90 
peers present, and 300 deputies. The duke 
was_^ received with cries of 'Vive le Roi,' 
' Vive leDuc d'Orleans,' to which he replied 
by saluting the assembly three times, and 



108 HISTORY OF THE 

then seated himself with Oudinot and Mor- 
tier, (in the place of Marmont) on the right, 
and Macdonald and Molitore, (in place of 
Victor) on the left. Five paces in the rear 
was Marshal Jourdan, commissioner of fo- 
reign affairs — general Gerard and M. Du- 
pont, on the right, and Messrs. Guizot, Big- 
non, and Louis, on the left. All these, 
except general Gerard, were in citizens* 
dresses. 

The duke of Orleans requested the mem- 
bers to be seated; and then addressed Ca- 
simir Perrier, president of the chamber as 
follows: — ^ Mr. president of the chamber of 
deputies, please to read the declaration of 
the chamber.' He accordingly read it while 
the assembly kept the most attentive silence. 
Mr. C. Perrier, in reading the name of the 
duke, said — ^ Call to the throne his royal 
highness Philip of Orleans, duke of Orleans/ 
— the lieutenant-general interrupting him, 
said * Louis Philip,* and the reader, correct- 
ing himself, proceeded; and on the conclu- 
sion of the charter, placed it in the hands of 
the duke, who handed it to the commis- 
sioner of the interior. He then addressed 
the president of the peers — *■ Mr. president 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 109 

of the chamber of peers, please to add the 
act of adhesion of the chamber of peers to 
the declaration of the chamber of deputies. 
This being done, the lieutenant-general made 
the following declaration: 
" Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies,— 

" I have read with great attention the de- 
claration of the deputies, and the act of ad- 
hesion of the chamber of peersj I have con- 
sidered and weighed all the expressions. 

" I accept, without restriction or reserve, 
the clauses and engagements which this de- 
claration contains, and the title of king of 
the French, which it confers on me, and am 
ready to swear to observe it." 

Mr. Dupont de I'Eure, performing the 
function of keeper of the seals, then ap- 
proached his majesty, and gave him the form 
of the oath. The king, standing uncovered, 
with his right hand raised, pronounced slow- 
ly, and with a firm voice, the following oath 
which might be heard without, the assembly 
were profoundly silent. 

" In the presence of God, I swear faith- 
fully to observe the constitutional charter, 
with the modifications expressed in the de- 
claration; to govern only by the laws and ac- 

K 



1 10 HISTORY OF THE \ 

cording to the laws^ to render good and \ 
strict justice to every one according to his ■ 
right, and to act, in every thing, with a sole ; 
wish for the interest, the happiness, and the > 
glory of the French people." \ 

He was immediately proclaimed by the : 
title of Louis Philip the First, king of the ' 
French; and thus were all the laurels which • 
the people had so perilously and gloriously ; 
accumulated in the struggle of three days, ; 
thrown at the feet of a man, whose family i 
had ever been distinguished for its antipa- i 
thy to France, to liberty, and to the rights of ■■ 
the people. j 

In order to bias the citizens in favour of ] 
the duke of Orleans, and prepare them for 
his dynasty, it was carefully trumpeted that 
he was the most liberal minded man of the ■ 
family; that in the preceding revolution he ; 
had shed his blood* for liberty — that his fa- ] 
ther had died for it. That the interests of i 
the nation and the reconcilement of foreign \ 

powers, required one of the Bourbons to 

i 

* This is a figure of speech which wants no other i 
grace of idea but truth. It is singular that the plain '. 
Lafayette should deal in tropes. \ 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. Ill 

preside over the French. These arguments, 
if they deserve the name, are not even spe- 
cious, and the development of the revolution 
is not such as liberal men would have wished 
it. Had the duke, when the crown was pre- 
sented to him, disdained to accept of it, and 
acted in imitation of Washington, the world 
would have resounded with his eulogies, and 
proclaimed him the father of his country. 

A paper was presented to the chambers by 
Salverte, accusing the ministers of the ex- 
king with high treason. It was read, thus: 

" I accuse of high treason the ex-ministers, 
who were authors of the report to the king; 
and who countersigned the ordinances of the 
26th of July* " EusELE Salverte.'* 

It was received with acclamations and re- 
ferred to the bureaux. 

On Monday, the 9th, Louis Philip was 
crowned king of the French, without any 
ecclesiastical intervention. The regalia 
were delivered by four marshals of France: 
Macdonald, duke of Tarentoj Mortier, duke 
of Treviso; Oudinot, duke of Reggio, and 
count Molitor. 



112 HISTORY OF THE 

The king then ascended the throne and 
addressed the assembly as follows: 

" Gentlemen, Peers and Deputies, — I have 
just consummated a great act. I am deeply 
sensible of the extent of the duties which it 
imposes upon me. My conscience tells me 
that I will fulfil them. It is with a full con- 
viction that I have accepted the treaty of al- 
liance which was proposed to me. 

" I should greatly have desired never to 
occupy the throne to which the national 
wish has just called me^ but France, attacked 
in her liberties, saw the public order in dan- 
ger. The violation of the charter had shaken 
every thing; it was necessary to re-establish 
the action of the laws, and the power of doing 
it was vested in the chamber of deputies. 
You have done it, gentlemen; the modifica- 
tions which we have just made in the char- 
ter, guaranty security for the future. France 
will, I trust, be happy at home, respected 
abroad, and the peace of Europe more firmly 
established.'* 

After this address, he shook hands with 
the principal peers and deputies, and mount- 
ing his horse, rode off to the Palais-Royale. 

To return to Charles X. He and his suite 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 113 

left Rambouillet for Cherbourg. The mi- 
nutes of their journey are published in a 
pamphlet, entitled — ^" The Royal Progress;" 
on which, as the subject is interesting and 
curious, we will draw for a few particulars. 

August 4. — The troops of the guard had 
followed the movement towards Maintenon. 
They remained in this town; the king could 
only retain his four companies of body 
guards, and two pieces of cannon. At nine 
o'clock in the morning, they set out towards 
Dreux; the king found all the troops of the 
guard drawn up in order; they lined the way, 
and offered him the last honours which it 
was in their power to bestow. The adieu of 
these brave soldiers was affecting; several 
officers were observed to break their swords; 
they surroimded the king's carriage, and 
swore never to serve any but him. The 
colonels resigned their colours, and that fine 
guard ceased to exist. 

The royal family frequently alighted from 
their carriages; the king and the dauphin 
mounted on horseback, the princesses and 
the children went on foot. That day the 
dauphiness, accompanied by madame de 
K 2 



114 HISTORY OF THE 

Saint-Maure, walked at least tw6 leagues 
along with the column, talking to the gardes 
du corps, and commending their enthusiasm 
and admirable discipline^ they also con- 
versed with the country people, who were 
far from recognising the daughter of a line 
of kings in a female simply dressed, covered 
with dust, and who asked for a glass of 
water to quench her thirst. In this manner 
the princess passed through two villages, in 
which but a few hours previously trees of 
liberty had been planted.— These objects 
must have excited sorrowful recollections; 
but the great soul of the heroine of misfor- 
tune was not cast down, and upon her noble 
forehead could only be read resignation to 
the decrees of the Almighty. They arrived 
at Mellerant, a considerable town: three 
companies of guards bivouacked in the or- 
chards, which would have been preferable to 
being in doors, if torrents of rain, which fell 
during the night, had not caused them to 
envy the humblest hut. 

The king lodged at Millerant with M. de 
Laroque, an old garde du corps. The house 
was too small to accommodate all the royal 
family. The duchess de Berri being very 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 115 

inconveniently lodged, passed several hours 
at the bivouac with mademoiselle; and these 
two princesses, seated upon the grass, em- 
ployed themselves in making articles of dress 
of which they stood in need, not Having pro- 
vided themselves with them on their hasty 
departure from St. Cloud. 

They arrived at St. Lo, after a long jour- 
ney, passing by Thorigny, where are to be 
seen the ruins of a fine chateau, belonging to 
the prince de Monaco. His majesty went to 
lodge at the prefecture, the honours of which 
were done in a manner the most affecting, 
by M. d'Estourmel, the prefect, who had al- 
ready bid adieu to his department. The 
royal family was commodiously lodged in 
this house, but what heart-rending recollec- 
tions must have oppressed the hearts of the 
dauphin and dauphiness, who had both made 
a journey to Cherbourg in 1828 and 1829. 
Then the crowd filled the air with shouts of 
joy and benediction; delight and happiness 
were depicted on the countenances of all, 
and the white flag waved every where. Now 
the same multitude, eager but silent, with 
eyes disdainful or menacing, exhibiting an 
anxious curiosity which even great misfor- 



1 1 6 HISTORY OT THE 

tune did not always restrain within proper 
limits. Some cries, (few it is true,) were 
heard, which strengthened the contrast; but 
the prudence of the well-intentioned inhabi- 
tants, and of the authorities, repressed them. 
The dauphiness repeatedly exclaimed, " Ah^ 
mon dieul qu'elle differenced' — Tears started 
from her eyes, which she presently raised to 
heaven. 

They proceeded to Montebourg, a consi- 
derable village a little distance from the sea; 
the inhabitants were franker, or they felt 
more attachment to the royal family, than 
those of other villages on the route. Their 
curiosity was kind and respectful; they sur- 
rounded the carriage of the duke de Bor- 
deaux, offering up prayers for his safely, and 
begging to be permitted to kiss his hands; 
and several individuals exclaimed with tears, 
' We have been forbidden to display any 
marks of interest towards you: but no mat- 
ter: — long live the duke de Bordeaux, and 
may he return speedily.' 

The king, on his arrival at Valognes, 
lodged with M. Dumenildot, a Norman gen- 
tleman, whose ancestors received king James 
in their chateau of Quenne Ville, near La 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 117 

Hogue, whence that monarch, standing upon 
the top of a tower, beheld the issue of a com- 
bat on which his crown depended. It was 
there that, observing the obstinacy of the 
battle, he exclaimed, * Comme Us se battent 
Men, mes braves j^nglaisl' 

When the result of the battle of Waterloo 
was announced to the duke de Berri at Alost, 
he cried with an air of interest, ^Les Fran- 
pais se sont Us bien battus, au moinsJ* So 
powerful in a generous bosom is the love of 
country. 

The king determined to rest at Cher- 
bourg on the 16th. Repose was necessary 
to the men and horses, they profited by the 
opportunity to make those repairs which 
were most urgent in their boots and clothes, 
for, departing as they did in haste from St. 
Cloud, each had with him only what covered 
him. 

The 15th. — This day of old, so solemn 
by reason of the vow of Louis XIII. — this 
day on which the king went in procession to 
Notre Dame with all the pomp of his court, 
he passed shut up in a little town in Nor- 
mandy, abandoned by his subjects, with only 



I 1 8 HISTORY OF THE ^ 

f 

a small number of faithful servants around ] 
him, and the following day was to behold j 
him quitting for a third time the land of his j 
birth. 

The companies of gardes-du-corps had ; 
retained their standards. The king declared ] 
he would resume them. All the officers, and 1 
the twenty-four oldest gardes-du-corps, form- \ 
ing a squadron, marching four deep, the j 
trumpeters at their head, the four standards ) 
in the same line, proceeded in silence, sorrow ■ 
depicted on their countenances, towards the I 
king's lodging. That prince was surround- | 
ed by the royal family whose faces displayed i 
the liveliest sorrow, which, however, was no \ 
doubt differently experienced. The king : 
was deeply affected^ the dauphiness dis- i 
solved in tears^ the dauphin appeared re- 
signed; the duchess of Berri was calm, as if 
she penetrated the future; the duke de Bor- i 
deaux and mademoiselle were concerned for , 
those whom they regarded. \ 

The king took the standards, embraced ! 
the officers who bore them, and said with the \ 
utmost emotion, * I take back your standards, \ 
they are unstained; my grandson will restore 
them to you. I thank you for your devotion, i 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 119 

for your fidelity, and your prudence. I shall 
never forget the proofs of attachment which 
you have exhibited to me and to my family. 
Adieu I— May you be happy.' He presented 
them his hand to kiss; the dauphiness and 
madame followed his example; and this af- 
fecting scene was prolonged until the last 
adieu uttered by the king. 

The chosen gendarmerie, a corps as fine 
and Avell disciplined, as it is devoted, also 
received the adieus of the king. Afterwards, 
the unattached officers were admitted to the 
presence of his majesty, whose heart must 
have been rent in twain by emotions so deep 
and long continued. 

The royal family alighted from their car- 
riages, and passing along a plank covered 
with blue cloth, went aboard the packet boat 
Great Britain. The king embarked first; 
the dauphin took the duke of Bordeaux by 
the hand; Madame de Gontant conducted 
mademoiselle; the duchess of Berri gave her 
arm to M. de Charette, and the dauphiness 
to M. de Larochejaquelin. 

The prefect presented to his majesty cap- 
tain Dumont Durville, the commander of 



120 HISTORY OF THE 

the vessel. He told the king he would carry 
him wherever he desired. This he repeated 
several times. The king said he wished to 
go first to Spithead — to the Isle of Wight, 
opposite Portsmouth. After having made 
the last adieus to some officers who had gone 
aboard, the royal family entered a cabin pre- 
pared for them. Aboard the Great Britain 
were the whole of the royal family, the duke 
de Luxembourg, captain of the gardes-de- 
service, the duke of Ragusa, the governor, 
sub-governor, and sub-preceptor of the duke 
of Bordeaux, the duchess of Constant, and 
the private attendants of the royal family. 
In the Charles Carroll^ which carried a part 
of the supplies, were Messrs. O'Higgerty, 
sen. and jun., Madame de Bouille and her 
son, a sub-governor of the duke de Bor- 
deaux, Messrs. de Choiseul, de Charette, 
and Larochejaquelin. 

During the embarcation and preparations 
for departure, a crowd of curious per- 
sons lined the mole; they were orderly, and 
no exclamation was heard. Messrs. the 
commissioners took leave of the king, and 
su'bsequently remained on the pier till the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 121 

vessel, unfurling her sails, got under weigh, 
and cleared the port towed by a steam-boat. 
It was then a quarter past two. During this 
time, seven squadrons of gardes-du-corps 
were drawn up in order opposite the ships. 
When they had got out of the harbour, the 
troops faced about, entered the town, passed 
through it, and retired to Valognes. The 
multitude, which, no doubt, had been hither- 
to restrained by the respect which great mis- 
fortune always inspires, and by the sight of 
an unhappy family compelled to abandon 
its country, became noisy and tumultuous. 
From some groups, consisting principally of 
cabin-boys and youths, of from twelve to 
fourteen years of age, were heard shouts of 
* Vive la liberte !' * Vive la charte!' ' A bas la 
cocarde blanche!' The inhabitants took no 
part in these exclamations, which being de- 
spised by every body, called for no reply. The 
12th and 16th regiments of infantry, in gar- 
rison in the town, were under orders. The 
soldiers were observed at all the windows of 
the barrack, which is in the interior of tim- 
ber-yards; only a few outposts skirted the 
route; their attitude was very favourable — 

L 



122 HISTORY OF THE ] 

the officers were extremely polite. These 
troops presented arms to the gardes-du-corps, ; 
who returned the salute. No doubt orders [ 
had been given on the subject, for it is im- ; 
possible that the circumstance could have 
been accidental. In scarcely any of the 
towns through which we passed were mili- 
tary honors afforded either to the king or the \ 
troops that accompanied him. On their re- 
turn to Valognes, the following order was ^ 
given to each garde-du-corps on the part of 
king Charles:-— \ 

\ 

" ORDER OF THE DAY. j 

1 

" In quitting the soil of France, the king i 
would wish to have it in his power to present 
to each of his garde-du-corps, and to each of i 
the officers, non-commissioned officers, and ^ 
soldiers, who have accompanied him to his 
ship, a mark of his attachment and remem- 
brance, but the circumstances that afflict the ' 
king do not afford him the means of gratify- [ 
ing the wish of his heart. Destitute of the j 
means of rewarding a fidelity so exemplary, i 
his majesty is compelled to testify his re- ' 
gard only by this tribute. 

" The companies of the garde^-du-corps as ; 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 123 

well as those of the rank oF general officers, 
superior officers, and others^ also of the non- 
commissioned officers and soldiers who have 
followed him: their names preserved by the 
duke of Bordeaux, shall remain inscribed in 
the archives of the royal family, to attest for 
ever the misfortunes of the king, and the 
consolation which he has found in a devotion 

so disinterested. 

" Charles.** 

Thence, he embarked in the ship Charles 
Carroll^ to the Isle of Wight, where William 
IV. happened at that time to be; and after- 
wards he proceeded to Lulworth castle, where 
he took up his abode. 

In the mean time Louis Philip neglected 
nothing that could give stability to his throne 
and recommend him to the people. He 
projected a law to relieve the families of the 
killed and wounded in the conflict of July. 
M. Guizot, who introduced the proposal, 
stated their numbers to be more than 900 
orphans and 300 widows; 300 fathers de- 
prived of their sons; 301 men maimed for 
life, and 3961 wounded, but likely to re- 
cover. The law was couched in the follow- 
ing terms: 



124 HISTORY OF THE 

"Art. 1. The widows of citizens who 
perished on the 2rth, 28th and 29th July, 
or' in consequence of wounds then received, 
shall receive from the state a pension of 500 
francs each, to commence on the 1st of Jan- 
uary, 1831. 

" Art. 2. France adopts the orphans of 
such citizens. An annual sum of 250 francs 
is allowed to each child under seven years 
of age; the child to be under the care of the 
mother, or where need is, of some relative or 
friend chosen by the family. From seven to 
eighteen, these children shall be brought up 
in special institutions, where they shall re- 
ceive an education fitted to their sex and 
enable them to gain a livelihood. 

" Art. 3. Parents infirm, or over 60 years 
of age, and in destitute circumstances, who 
may have lost their children in those days, 
shall receive an annual pension of 300 francs, 
with the right of survivorship. 

" Art. 4. Frenchmen wounded during 
those days, so as to lose a limb or the use of 
one; shall either be admitted among the in- 
valids, or receive at home a proportionate 
pension. 

" Art. 5. Citizens wounded, but not inca- 



FUENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 125 

pacitated for labour, shall receive an indem- 
nity, of which the amount shall be deter- 
mined by the committee on national recom- 
penses. 

" Art. 6. An indemnity shall in like man- 
ner be paid to citizens who, though not 
wounded, were during those days prevented 
from attending to their families. The in- 
demnity to be regulated by the same com- 
mittee. 

"Art. r. Provides that for the above ob- 
jects a credit of seven millions of francs be 
granted to the minister of the interior. 

" Art. 8. Those men shall be appointed sub- 
lieutenants in the army, who, having espe- 
cially distinguished themselves in those days, 
shall by a report of a committee be judged 
worthy of that honour. 

« Art. 9. The medal ordered by the law 
of the 30th August, shall be distributed to 
all citizens designated by the committee. 

"Art. 10. A particular decoration shall 
be granted to all citizens who distinguished 
themselves on those days. A list of persons 
entitled thereto shall be made out by the 
committee and submitted to the king. Mili- 

L 2 



126 HISTORY OF THE 

tary honour shall be paid to it, as to that of 
the Legion of Honour. 

" Paris, 9th October. 

" By the king-. " Louis Philip. 

" The minister of the interior, Guizot." 

His Majesty was singularly attentive to 
Lafayette and very lavish of his eulogies on 
the national guard, in order to secure their 
attachment to his dynasty. His speeches 
teemed with an affectation of sensibility and 
tender emotions. The stratagem succeeded, 
and the French people were thus whined out 
of the honourable principles which stimu- 
lated them to achieve the revolution. But 
many expressed loud indignation at the con- 
duct of the deputies; one party shouted out 
for the duke of Bordeaux, another for Napo- 
leon H., and a third for a republican form of 
government. Mobs collected in several parts 
to give vent to their dissatisfaction. Gene- 
ral Dubourg'^who had been first put at the 
head of the national guard, when about to 
deliver something officially to the people, 
was greeted by the crowd with shouts of 
''No Ungr "No Orlecmsr The officer 
broke off in his discourse, and bluntly in- 
formed them, he was of the same mind with 
themselves. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 127 



CHAPTER V. 

The Charter of Louis XVIII. modified. — Its j^resent form . 
— Special Provisions adopted. — Arrest of Polignac and 
the Ex-ministers. — Their Crime. — Report to the King. 
— Proposition for the abolition of Capital Punishments. 

General Lafayette delivered in the cham- 
ber of deputies an animated speech opposing 
hereditary peerage. Had he included here- 
ditary monarchs, the speech might deserve 
to be copied into a republican book; since he 
has not done so, v^^e omit it. Every friend of 
equal rights, however, must rejoice that this 
feudal custom was suppressed in France most 
probably through the medium of Lafayette, 
who is undoubtedly the most influential man 
in the kingdom. 

The charter underwent such material mo- 
difications that it may be said to have been 
remodelled. This great palladium of the 
rights of the people was drawn up by Louis 
XVHI.5 we insert it here at full length, with 
the changes made by the deputies on the 7th 
of August. Wherever any article has been 
modified or annulled, we place it in Italics, 



128 HISTORY OF THE 

and the present one immediately follows it 
with the sign ICJ^. The preamble which has 
been suppressed, as it is curious, we give as 
follows: 

" PREAMBLE. 

"Louis, by the grace of God, king of France 
and Navarre, to all whom these presents may 
reach. 

" Divine Providence in recalling us to our 
estates after so long an absence, has imposed 
on us most serious obligations. Peace was 
the first want of our subjects, and we have 
been unceasingly occupied in procuring it; 
this peace, so necessary to France and the 
rest of Europe, has been signed. A consti- 
tutional charter is solicited by the actual 
state of the kingdom; we have promised,, 
and we now publish it. We have considered 
that, although the whole authority in France 
resides in the person of the king, yet our pre- 
decessors have not hesitated to modify its ex- 
ercise according to the changes of the times; 
thus the commons were affranchised by Louis 
the Fat, and received extensions of their rights 
from St. Louis, and Philip the Handsome; 
thus was the judiciary established, and deve- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 129 

loped by the laws of Louis XI. Henry III. 
and Charles IX. 5 thus finally did Louis XIV. 
regulate nearly every branch of the public 
administration, by various ordinances which 
for wisdom, have not hitherto been sur- 
passed. 

"Like our predecessors, we have appreci- 
ated the effects of the increasing progress of 
knowledge, of the new relations thus intro- 
duced into society, ^f the direction given to 
mind for the last half century, and of the im- 
portant alterations which have been the re- 
sult. We recognise the expression of a real 
want, in the wishes of our subjects for a con- 
stitutional charter; but in yielding to these 
wishes, we have taken every precaution to 
render such charter worthy of ourselves, and 
of the people over whom we are proud of 
being placed. Men of wisdom chosen from 
among the principal bodies of the state, have 
been united with our own commissioners in 
the labour of preparing this important docu- 
ment. 

" While we thus acknowledge that a libe- 
ral and constitutional monarchy is required 
by the present enlightened state of Europe, 
we still bear in mind, that our first duty to 



130 HISTORY OF THE 

our people, is to preserve for their own in- 
terests, the rights and prerogatives of our 
crown. Our hope is, that instructed by ex- 
perience, they will be convinced that the su- 
preme authority can alone give to the insti- 
tutions which it establishes, the strength, the 
permanence, and the majesty with which it- 
self is clothed 5 and that when the wisdom of 
the king, thus accords freely with the wishes 
of the people, a constitutional charter may 
be of long endurance; but that when conces- 
sions are extorted by violence, from the weak- 
ness of the government, the public liberties 
are as much endangered as the throne itself. 
We have sought for the principles of a con- 
stitutional charter, in the character of the 
French and in the venerable monuments of 
past ages. In the renewal of the peerage for 
example, we have in view a truly national 
institution, which should unite the recollec- 
tions of the past, with the hopes of the future, 
and thus bring ancient and modern times 
more nearly together. 

" We have replaced, by the chamber of de- 
puties, those old assemblies, of the Champ 
de Mars, and the Champ de Mai, and those 
chambers of the Tiers-Etat, which have so 



J-RENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 131 

often given at the same time, proofs of zeal 
for the interests of the people, and of fidelity 
and respect, for the authority of the king. 
In endeavouring thus to renew the link which 
has been so fatally broken, we have effaced 
from our memory, as we could wish them 
effaced from the pages of history, all the 
evils which have afflicted the country during 
our absence. Happy at finding ourselves 
again in the bosom of the great family, we 
have no other means of reply to the numer- 
ous testimonies of affection which we receive, 
than in pronouncing the words of peace and 
consolation. The wish most near to our 
heart is, that the French may hereafter live 
like brethren, and that no bitter reflections 
may ever again trouble that security which 
should ensue from the solemn Act which we 
this day accord. 

" Certain of our own intentions, and con- 
scientiously persuaded of their propriety, we 
engage ourselves before this assembly, to be 
faitaful to this constitutional charter; reserv- 
ing to ourselves the right of swearing so- 
lemnly to maintain it, before the altar of 
Him who weighs in the same balance, both 
kings and nations. 



132 HISTORY OF THE 

" For which reasons, we have voluntarily, 
and by the free exercise of our royal authori- 
ty granted, and do grant, concede, and octroie, 
to our subjects, as well for ourselves as for 
our successors, and for ever, the following 

" CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER. 

" PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE FRENCH. 

"Art. 1. All Frenchmen are equal before 
the law, whatever otherwise be their rank or 
title. 

" 2. They contribute, without distinction, 
in proportion to their fortune, to the support 
of the public expenses. 

" 3. They are all alike admissible to civil 
and military employments. 

" 4. Individual liberty is equally guaran- 
tied to all : no one can be either pursued or 
arrested, except in cases provided for by the 
law, and in the forms in which it prescribes, 

" 5. Every one is at liberty to profess his 
own religion; and the same protection is as- 
sured to each form of worship. 

" 6. Nevertheless, the Catholic, Apostolical 
and Roman religion, is the religion of the State. 

"7. Ministers of the Catholic, ^Apostolical 
and Roman religion, and that of other Chris- 



FREKCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 133 

Han denominations y alone receive salaries from 
the Royal Treasury. 

" lO^ Ministers of the Catholic, Apostoli- 
cal and Roman religion, and those of other 
(Christian denominations, alone receive sala- 
ries from the royal treasury. 

" 8. Frenchmen have the right to publish and 
print their opinions^ so that they conform to the 
laws for regulating the abuse of this liberty. 

" tCT" Frenchmen have the right of pub- 
lishing and printing their opinions, so that 
they conform to the laws. The censorship 
can never be re-established. 

"9. All property is inviolable, without any 
exception of that called national^ the law not 
acknowledging any distinction between them. 

" 10. The state may exact the sacrifice of 
any particular piece of property, if the pub- 
lic interest duly established shall require itj 
but only on a previous indemnification. 

"11. All scrutiny as to votes or opinions 
uttered previous to the restoration, is forbid- 
den. A like oblivion is prescribed both to 
tribunals and citizens. 

" 12. The conscription is abolished; the 
mode of recruiting the sea and land forces is 
determined by law. 

M 



134 HISTORY OF The 

" FORM OF THE KINg's GOVERNMENT. 

" 13. The person of the king is inviolable 
and sacred. His ministers are responsible. 
To the king alone belongs the executive 
power. 

"14. The king is the supreme head of the 
state*— 'Commands the army and navy — declares 
war — makes treaties ofpeace, alliance and coni' 
merce — appoints to office — and makes the rules 
and ordinances necessary for the execution of 
the laws and the safety of the state. 

"ICP The king is the supreme head of the 
state — commands the army and navy — de- 
clares war— makes treaties of peace, alliance 
and commerce — appoints to all the offices of 
public administration — and makes all the re- 
gulations and ordinances necessary for the 
execution of the laws; without having the 
power to suspend the laws themselves, or 
dispense with their execution. No foreign 
troops can ever be admitted into the service 
of the state, without an express law. 

" 15. The legislative power is vested col- 
lectively in the king, the house of peers, and 
the house oi^Q^\x\.ie.s of departments. 

"16. 77ie king proposes all laws. 

" 1 7. The proposal of a law is made at the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 135 

pleasure of the king, to the house of peers, or 
that of deputies, except laws for laying and col- 
lecting taxes, which must be first addressed to 
the house of deputies. 

" ICP* The proposition of all laws belongs 
to the king, the chamber of peers, and the 
chamber of deputies. Nevertheless, all lav/s 
on taxes, must first be voted by the chamber 
of deputies. 

" 18. Every law is to be freely discussed 
and voted by a majority of each chamber. 

"19. The chambers have the faculty of sup- 
plicating the king to propose laws upon any 
given subject, and to point out what it appears 
to them fitting, that such laws should contain. 

" 20. Such a request may be made by either 
of the chambers, after having been discussed in 
secret committee: it can only be sent to the 
other chamber by that proposing it, after an in- 
terval often days, 

"21. If the proposition is adopted by the 
other chamber, it shall be submitted to the king: 
if it is rejected, it cannot be reproduced in the 
same session, 

" 22. The king alone sanctions and pro- 
mulgates the laws. 

" 23. The civil list is fixed for the whole 



136 HISTORY OF THE 

reign by the first legislature assembled after 
the accession of the king. 

" OF THE HOUSE OF PEERS. 

" 24. The house of peers is an essential 
part of the legislative power. 

" 25. It is convened by the king at the same 
time vv^ith the house of deputies. The session 
of each begins and finishes at the same time. 

"26. ^ny meeting of the house of peers held 
at anytime when the deputies are not in session, 
or which should not be ordered by the king, is 
unlawful and void. 

" IC?" Any assembly of the chamber of 
peers, which should be held at a time which 
is not that of the session of the chamber of 
deputies, is illicit and null; except in the 
single case, in which it is assembled as a 
court of justice, and then it can only exercise 
judicial functions. 

" 27. The nomination of peers of France 
belongs to the king. Their number is unli- 
mited. He may vary their dignities, name 
them for life, or make them hereditary ac- 
cording to his pleasure. 

"28. Peers are entitled to their seats at 
twenty-five, but cannot vote before thirty. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 137 

" 29. The house of peers has for presiding 
officer the Chancellor of France, and in his 
absence, some peer named by the king. 

30. The members of the royal family and 
princes of the blood, are peers in right of their 
birth. They take rank immediately after the 
President, but have no vote till twenty-five. 

" ICP The princes of the blood are peers 
by right of birth; they take their seats im- 
mediately after the president. 

" 3U The princes can only take their seats 
by an order of the king, expressed at each ses- 
sion by a message, under pain of nullity to 
every thing transacted during their presence, 

" 32. The deliberations of the peers are all 

secret. 

" ICP The sittings of the chamber of peers 
are public, like those of the chamber of de- 
puties. 

" 33. The house of peers takes cognizance of 
the crime of high treason and attempts against 
the safety of the State, as they shall be defined 
by law. 

" tar The chamber of peers takes cogni- 
zance of crimes against the safety of the state, 
and of high treason, which shall be defined by 
law. 

M 2 



138 HISTORY OF THE 

" 34. No peer can be arrested except by the 
authority of the house, and it judges its mem- 
bers in all criminal matters. 

" OF THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES OF DEPART- 
MENTS. 

" 35. The chamber shall be composed of 
deputies elected by the electoral colleges. 
The organization of them shall be deter- 
mined by law. 

" 36. Each department shall have the same 
number of deputies it has had till now.* 

*' 37. Hie deputies shall be elected for Jive 
years, and in such manner that the chamber 
shall be renewed by one-fifth annually, 

"38. No one can be admitted as a deputy, 
who is not forty years old, and does not pay a 
direct tax of one thousand francs. 

" IC?" No deputy can be admitted into the 
chamber, unless he is thirty years of age, and 

* The chamber thus constituted had two hundred 
and fifty-eight members ; but in 1820 a law was passed, 
increasing the number to 430. By this law, article 37 
was also rendered void, as the elections from all the de- 
partments, were ordered to take place at the same time, 
and the period for which the deputies were chosen was 
increased to seven years. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 139 

unless he possesses the other qualification 
prescribed by law. 

"39. In case, however , that there should not 
be in a department Jiffy persons of the requisite 
age, and paying the prescribed tax, that num- 
ber shall be made up out of those paying the 
nearest to one thousand francs, and the person 
thus selected shall be alike eligible with the 
others, 

" 40. Electors of deputies must pay a direct 
tax of three hundred francs, and have attained 
thirty years of age. 

" ICT" No one is an elector if he is under 
twenty-five years of age, and if he does not 
possess the other qualifications prescribed by 
law. 

"41. Presidents of electoral colleges are named 
by the king, and become, of right, members of 
the colleges, 

" ICP" The presidents of the electoral col- 
leges, are nominated by the electors. 

" 42. One half, at least, of the deputies, must 
be chosen from among those whose political 
domicile is in the department. 

"43. The president of the chamber of depu- 
ties is designated by the king from a list of Jive 
members presented by the chamber. 



!40 HISTORY OF THE 

"lO" The president of the chamber of de- 
puties is elected by the chamber. He is 
elected for the whole diiratioti of the legis- 
lature. 

" 44. The sessions of the chamber are pub- 
lic, but upon the demand of five members, the 
doors may be closed. 

" 45% The chamber will divide itself into 
committees {bureaux) to discuss the projects 
of laws presented by the king. 

"46. No amendment can be made to a law, 
unless proposed or consented to by the king, nor 
until it has been tef erred and discussed in com- 
mittees. 

"47. The chamber of deputies receives all 
propositions respecting taxes; and it is only 
7vhen such propositions have been adopted by 
the chamber, that they can be sent to the peers<. 

" 48. No tax can be imposed nor collected, 
unless consented to by the chambers, and 
sanctioned by the king. 

" 49. The land tax is only voted for one 
year$ the indirect taxes may be voted for se- 
veral years. 

" 50. The king convenes the two chambers 
every year; he prorogues them, and may dis- 
solve the chamber of deputies; but, in this 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 141 

case, he must convene a new one in the space 
of three months. 

"51. No member can be imprisoned dur- 
ing the session, nor during the six weeks pre- 
ceding and following it. 

" 52. No member can, during the session, 
be prosecuted, nor arrested on any criminal 
charge, except when taken flagrante delictu, 
without the permission of the chamber. 

" 53. Petitions to either house can only be 
made and presented in writings the law for- 
bids any one from bringing a petition in per- 
son to the bar. 

" OF MINISTERS. 

" 54. Ministers may be members of either 
house; they have, moreover, the right of en- 
try to each house, and are to be heard when 
they require. 

"55. The chamber of deputies has the 
right of accusing ministers, and of arraign- 
ing them before the house of peers, who 
alone have the right of judging them. 

" 56. They can alone be accused of treason or 
peculation. Special laws will particularize the 
nature of these offences^ and will determine how 
they are to be prosecuted. 



142 HISTORY OF THE 

"of THE JUDICIARY. 

" 57, All justice is derived from the king, 
and is administered in his name, by judges 
whom he appoints. 

" 58. The judges appointed by the king 
are not removable. 

" 59. The courts and ordinary tribunals 
now existing are maintained. Nothing shall 
be changed with respect to them but by vir- 
tue of a law. 

" 60. The existing institution of judges of 
commerce is preserved. 

"61. That of justices of the peace, is in 
like manner preserved. Justices of the peace, 
though appointed by the king, may be re- 
moved. 

" 62. No one can be withdrawn from his 
natural judges. 

"63. Consequently no commissioners nor ex- 
traordinary tribunals can be created. Prevotal 
courts^ if their re-establishment is deemed neces- 
sary, are not included in this prohibition. 

" iCT^No extraordinary commissioners can 
be created under any denomination whatever. 

^' 64. The discussions in criminal proceed- 
ings shall be public, except when such pub- 
licity may be dangerous to order and good 



FRtlNCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 143 

morals; in which case the court shall so pro- 
nounce. 

" 65. The institution of the jury is pre- 
served. Such changes as experience may 
suggest can only be made in virtue of a law. 

" 66. The confiscation of property as a pu- 
nishment is abolished) and cannot be re-esta- 
blished. 

" 67. The king has the right to pardon, 
and to commute punishments. 

" 68. The civil code and laws now in use, 
which are not contrary to the present char- 
ter, shall remain in force until legally altered 
or repealed. 

" PRIVATE RIGHTS GUARANTIED BY THE STATE. 

" 69. The military in actual service, offi- 
cers and soldiers on half pay, officers* widows 
and soldiers pensioned, shall preserve their 
grades, honours, and pensions. 

" 70. The public debt is guarantied. Every 
engagement of the state with its creditors is 
inviolable. 

"71. The old nobility resumes its titles, 
the new preserves its. The king creates no- 
bles at pleasure; but he only grants them 
rank and honour, without any exemption 



144 HISTORY OF THE J 

from the burdens or duties as members of : 
society. ■ 

" 72. The legion of honour is preserved. \ 
The king will determine its regulations and ,; 
decorations. 

" 73. The colonies shall be governed by \ 
special laws and regulations. ] 

" 74. The kins' and his successors shall swear ^ 

O 1 

in the solemnity of their consecration, faithfully ' 
to observe the present constitutional charter. 

" ICT" The king and his successors shall i 

■J 

swear, at their accession, to observe faithfully 1 
the present constitutional charter. | 

"|G™ The present charter, and the rights 
-it consecrates, shall be entrusted to the pa- 
triotism and courage of the national guards, ' 
and of all the citizens. 

" ICT™ France resumes her colours. In fu- i 
lure, no other cockade but the tricoloured i 
shall be worn. ! 

" ICT" All anterior laws and ordinances, so ; 

far as they are contrary to the reform of the 

charter, are null and void." i 

■1 
Thus have we given an accurate tran- i 

script of the French charter as it originally ] 

was, and with its present modifications. ; 

Whether the object of the latter be liberty, ; 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 145 

licentiousness or the promotion of self inte- 
rest on the part of the modifiers we leave it 
to the reader to judge, and to futurity to de- 
cide. 

On the same day the following- special pro- 
visions were adopted: 

" I. All the creations of peers during the 
reign of Charles Tenth, are declared null and 
void. 

" II. Article 27th of the charter shall be 
the subject of a fresh examination in the ses- 
sion of 1831. 

"III. The chamber of deputies declares, 
finally, that it is necessary to provide, by suc- 
cessive and separate laws, and with the short- 
est delay possible, — 1st. For the extension of 
the trial by jury for misdemeanors, particu- 
larly those of the press, and for political of- 
fences. 2d. For the responsibility of mini- 
sters and secondary agents of government. 
3d. For re-election in case of deputies ap- 
pointed to public functions. 4th. For the 
annual voting of the army estimates. 5th. 
For the organization of the national guards, 
and for their electing their own officers. 6th. 
For a military code, insuring in a legal man- 
ner the situation of officers of all ranks. 7th. 

N 



146 HISTORY OF THE 

For the departmental and municipal admini- 
strations, with the intervention of the citi- 
zens in their nominations. 8th. For public 
instruction and the freedom of tuition. 9th. 
For the abolition of the double vote, and for 
fixing the qualifications for electors and de- 
puties.'* 

Some time posterior to this the ex-mini- 
sters were arrested in trying to make their 
escape, and lodged in the prison, or as it is 
called, the Chateau of Vincennes. Polig- 
nac was seized while travelling in the suite 
of a lady, who took out a passport for herself 
and a domestic. Polignac personated the 
character of the domestic, but his awkward 
representation of it, gave birth to the suspi- 
cion, on which he was arrested. An imme- 
diate confession on his part, cut short fur- 
ther investigation, and he was escorted to the 
capital to be incarcerated with his fellow mi- 
nisters. Their principal crime consisted in 
having signed their names to the following 
report to the king! 
" Sire— 

" Your ministers would be unworthy of 
the confidence with which your Majesty 
honours them, if they delayed any longer in 
laying before your eyes a view of our inte- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 147 

rior situation, and in pointing out to your 
high wisdom the dangers of the periodical 
press. 

"At no period within these fifteen years, has 
this situation been more serious and afflict- 
ing. Notwithstanding a course of prosperi- 
ty, unparalleled in our annals, signs of disor- 
ganization and symptoms of anarchy are de- 
veloping themselves in every part of the 
kingdom. 

" The successive causes that have concurred 
to paralyse the resources of monarchical go- 
vernment, are now tending to modify and 
change its nature: deprived of its moral 
force, authority, whether in the capital or in 
the departments, never struggles against 
factions but with disadvantage; pernicious 
and subversive doctrines, loudly professed, 
are spreading and propagating themselves 
through every class of society; disturbances 
too generally diffused, agitate and torment 
the minds of the people. On every side, they 
demand for the present, pledges of security 
for the future. 

"An active, ardent and indefatigable, but 
malicious vigilance, exerts itself to raze every 
foundation of order, and to wrest from France 



148 HISTORY OF THE 

the happiness she enjoys under the sceptre of 
her kings. Skilled in engendering discon- 
tents, and exciting animosities, it foments, 
among the people, a spirit of defiance and 
hostility towards the government, and scat- 
ters the seeds of dissention and civil war. 

"And already. Sire, recent events have 
proved that the political passions entertain- 
ed by the higher branches of society begin 
to disseminate themselves through the lower, 
and to affect the mass of the people. They 
have also proved that this popular excite- 
ment would not be always without danger, 
even to the men who are striving to snatch 
the people from the bosom of peace. 

" A multitude of facts, collected in the 
course of electoral operations, confirm this 
position, and would afford us a too certain 
presage of new commotions, were it not in 
the power of your majesty to avert the evil. 

" There exists every where, if attentively 
observed, a want of order, of power and of 
permanence^ and the agitations which ap- 
pear the most contrary to it, are in reality 
only the expression and testimony of it. 

" It is necessary to observe this well: these 
agitations which cannot be increased with- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 149 

out great danger, are almost exclusively pro- 
duced and excited by the liberty of the press. 
A law of the elections, not less fruitful in dis- 
orders, has without doubt concurred in pro- 
ducing them: But it would be denying evi- 
dence not to see that the Journals are the 
hot-beds of a corruption whose progress is 
daily more sensible, and the primary source 
of the calamities which threaten the king- 
dom. 

" Experience, Sire, speaks more authoHta- 
tively than theory. Some enlightened men, 
whose fidelity otherwise cannot be suspected, 
led by the bad example of a neighbouring 
country, have believed that the benefits de- 
rived from the periodical press would coun- 
terbalance its disadvantages, and that its ex- 
cesses would be neutralized by contrary ex- 
cesses. But the event has not verified the 
hypothesis, the proof is decisive, and the 
question is now determined in the public 
mind. 

" The periodical press has never been soj 
it is not in the nature of an instrument of se- 
dition and disorder to be so. 

" What numerous and irrefragable proofs 
militate in the establishment of this truth! 

N 2 



150 HISTORY OF THE 

It is on the principle of the violent and unin- 
terrupted action of the press, that the too 
sudden and frequent variations of our inte- 
rior politics may be explained. It has not 
permitted the establishment of a regular and 
permanent form of government, nor has it 
suffered to be introduced into the branches 
of public administration, the meliorations of 
which they are susceptible. All the minis- 
ters from 1814, although created under dif- 
ferent influences, and often directly opposed 
to each other, have still had in view the same 
track, the same attacks, and the same object 
of unbridling the passions. Sacrifices of 
every kind, concessions of power, formations 
of party, nothing has been able to divert 
them from this common object. 

" This reproach alone, so fertile in reflec- 
tions, should suffice to assign to the press its 
true, its invariable character. It exerts it- 
self with persevering efforts, every day re- 
peated, to unbind the ties of obedience and 
subordination, to abuse the resources of pub- 
lic authority, to prostrate it, to revile it in 
the opinion of the people, and to create for 
it, in every quarter, resistance and embar- 
rassments. 



fuench revolution of 1830. 151 

" Its art consists not in substituting for a 
too easy submission of mind, a wise freedom 
of examination, but in reducing to a problem, 
the most positive truths; not to provoke a 
frank and useful controversy on political 
questions, but to exhibit them in a false 
light, and resolve them by sophisms. 

" The press has thus cast disorder into the 
most correct intelligences, shaken the firm- 
est convictions, and kindled in the bosom of 
society, a confusion of principles which en- 
courages the most dangerous attempts. Its 
anarchy of doctrines, is but a prelude to 
anarchy in the state. 

" It is worthy of remark. Sire, that the pe- 
riodical press has not even fulfilled its most 
essential condition, that of publicity. What 
is strange, but at the same time true, is, that 
there is no such thing as publicity in France, 
when this word is taken in its most just and 
rigorous acceptation. In its representation 
of the state of things, articles, when they 
are not entirely false, never come to the 
knowledge of readers, unless garbled, disfi- 
gured, and mutilated in the most odious 
manner. A thick cloud, raised by the jour- 
nals, obscures the truth and intercepts the 



152 HISTORY OF THE 

light between the government and the peo- 
ple. 

" The kings, your predecessors, Sire, have 
always loved to communicate with their sub- 
jects; it is a satisfaction that the press has 
not wished your Majesty to enjoy. 

" Its unbounded licentiousness pays no 
respect, even on the most solemn occasions, 
either to the express will of the king, or to 
the orders emanating from the throne. The 
one is misrepresented and denaturalized, the 
other is the object of perfidious commenta- 
ries, or pungent derision. Thus the last act 
of royal power, the proclamation, was dis- 
credited by the public, even before it was 
known to the electors. 

" This is not all. The press aims at no 
less than the subjugation of sovereignty, 
and the invasion of the powers of the state. 
A pretended organ of public opinion, it as- 
pires to direct the debates of the two cham- 
bers, and it is incontestable that it carries 
there a weight of influence, no less baneful 
than decisive. This domination has as- 
sumed, particularly in the last two or three 
years, a manifest character of oppression and 
tyranny. In this interval of time, the jour- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 133 

tials persecuted with insult and outrage, the 
members whose votes appeared to them un- 
certain or suspected. Too often, Sire, the de- 
liberations in this chamber have yielded to 
the redoubled attacks of the press. 

" We cannot mention in less severe terms, 
the conduct of the journals on the opposition 
in more recent circumstances. After having 
themselves provoked an address derogatory 
to the prerogatives of the throne, they did 
not hesitate to promote the re-election of 
22) deputies — which proceeding was the 
consequence of their address. Your Majesty 
repulsed this address as offensive^ you bore 
public blame for refusing to concur in the 
sentiments therein expressed; you announced 
your immutable resolution to defend the 
rights of your crown, so manifestly compro- 
mised. The public papers laid no i '^^'ess on 
your determination; on the contra, ^, they 
exerted themselves to renew, to perpetuate, 
and to aggravate the offence. Your Majesty 
will decide whether this last attack is to re- 
main long unpunished. 

" But of all the excesses of the press, the 
most serious perhaps remains for us to spe- 
cify. From the first moment of the expedi- 



1 54 HISTORY OF THE 

tion, the glory of which reflects so pure and | 
so durable a lustre on the noble crown of^ 
France, the press criticised with unprece-l 
dented severity, its causes, its objects, its; 
means, its preparatives, its chances of sue- 1 
cess. Insensible to national honour, it was 
not their fault that our banner was not tar-; 
nished by the barbarian. Indifferent to the 
great interests of hunaanity, it was not their; 
fault that Europe did not remain subject to< 
an oppressive vassalage and dishonouring 
tribute. j 

" Nor was this enough: by a species of* 
treason, of which our laws could have taken 
cognizance, the press sedulously published^ 
all the secrets of the expedition, conveyed to 
the enemy the knowledge of the state of our 
forces, the number of our troops, that of our 
vessels, the indication of our points of sta-i 
tion, the means to be employed to contravene; 
the variableness of the winds, and to get on: 
shore. Every thing, even the spot of their: 
disembarkment was divulged, as if for the| 
purpose of instructing the enemy to make ai 
more certain defence. And what is without 
a parallel among a civilized people, the press,; 
by giving false and alarming accounts of the i 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 155 

dangers to be encountered, has not scrupled 
to damp the courage of the army, and direct- 
ing its hatred against the very commander 
of the enterprise, it has, to use the expression, 
excited the soldiers to raise against him the 
standard of revolt, or to desert their colours. 
Such are the daring deeds of the organs of 
a party that pretends to be national. 

" Every day, in the interior of the king- 
dom, it dares no less than to disturb the ele- 
ments of public peace, to dissolve the links 
of society, and to speak plainly, to make the 
earth tremble under our feet. Let us not be 
afraid to reveal here the whole extent of our 
evils, in order to appreciate more justly the' 
extent of our resources. A systematic defa- 
mation, organized on a large scale and di- 
rected with an unprecedented perseverance, 
persecutes far and near, even the humblest 
agents of power. No one of your subjects. 
Sire, is shielded from outrage, if he receive 
from his sovereign the slightest mark of con- 
fidence, or of satisfaction. A vast net, spread 
over France, enmeshes all the public func- 
tionariesj placed continually in a situation 
of disrespect, they appear to be in some 
measure cut off from civil society^ they only 



156 HISTORY OP THE J 

are spared, whose fidelity is wavering; those 
only are praised whose fidelity succumbs| i 
others are noted to be more slowly immo- i 
lated to popular vengeance. ] 

" The periodical press has equally perse- ■ 
cuted, with envenomed darts, religion and 
the priesthood. It wishes, and will ever] 
wish, to root out from the hearts of the peo- > 
pie, even the last seed of religious senti-^ 
ments. Do not doubt. Sire, that it will ac-j 
complish this, in attacking the foundations i 
of faith, in altering the sources of public : 
morality, and in producing abundantly deri- 
sion and contempt for the ministers of the ; 
altar. \ 

" No force, we must own, is capable of re- ^ 
sisting such an energetic violator as thej 
press. In every period, when it was let 
loose, it made an irruption, an invasion into ': 
the state. One cannot but be singularly^ 
struck with the similitude of its effects these 1 
last fifteen years, notwithstanding the diver- 
sity of circumstances and the change of men 
who moved on the political stage. Its object ; 
is, in a word, to recommence the revolution,* 
whose principles it loudly proclaims. Placed ; 
and replaced, at different times, under the; 



TRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 157 

yoke of censure, whenever it obtained liberty 
it resumed its favourite employment. To 
continue this work with more success, it has 
found an active auxiliary in the departmental 
press, which, exciting jealousies and local 
animosities, shedding dread on the hearts of 
the timid, and harassing authority by inces- 
sant intermeddlings, has exercised an almost 
decisive influence on the elections. 

" These last effects. Sire, are transient, but 
more durable eff'ects are to be remarked in the 
manners and character of the nation. Ardent 
misrepresentations and impassioned contro- 
versies, schools of scandal and licentiousness, 
produce in these, serious changes and deep 
alterations^ it gives a false direction to the 
mind, fills it with prepossessions and preju- 
dices, diverts it from serious studies, injures 
the progress of the arts and sciences, excites 
discord among us, introduces baneful dis- 
sentions even into the bosom of families, and 
tends to reduce us gradually to barbarism. 

" It would be superfluous to investigate 
the causes for adopting the mistaken lenity 
which has hitherto left the power of repres- 
sion a useless weapon in the hands of power. 

" Judiciary acts cannot easily be brought 
o 



158 HISTORY OF THE 

to repress it efficaciously. This truth, glean- 
ed from observation, was long since remark- 
ed by well intentioned men; it has recently 
acquired a more distinctive character of evi- 
dence. Imperious necessity required that 
the repression should have been prompt 
and strong; it has remained slow and weak, 
and gradually dwindled into nothing. It 
never interferes before the fault is commit- 
ted, and then the punishment only causes 
the scandal of debate. 

" Juridical prosecution becomes tired; the 
seditious press never tires. The former 
ceases, because it has too many to handle 
roughly; the latter multiplies its forces by 
multiplying its offences. 

" Under different circumstances, power 
has had its periods of activity and relaxa- 
tion: but whether the public ministry be 
zealous or lukewarm it matters nothing to the 
press. It seeks, by redoubling its excesses 
to guaranty its impunity. It is time, more 
than time, to stop its ravages. 

" Hearken, Sire, to that prolonged cry of 
indignation and dread that resounds from 
every point of your kingdom. The lovers of 
peace, the men of integrity, the friends of 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 159 

order, lift up their suppliant hands to your 
Majesty. All request you to preserve them 
from a return of those evils vv^hich their 
fathers and themselves had so keenly to de- 
plore. These alarms are too real not to be 
listened toj these prayers are too legitimate 
not to be received. 

" There is but one method of performing 
what they ask; it is to act up to the charter. 
If the terms of the 8th article are ambiguous, 
its spirit is evident. It is certain that the 
charter does not grant liberty to journals and 
periodical writings. The right of publish- 
ing one's own opinions does not surely imply 
the right of publishing the opinions of others. 
One is the use of a faculty which the law 
may have left free or subject to restrictions; 
the other is a speculation of industry, which, 
like all others, supposes the superintendence 
of public authority. 

" The intention of the charter, on this sub- 
ject, is explained with exactness in the law 
of the 21st of October, 1814, which is in 
some measure an appendix to it: it cannot 
be doubted that this law was presented to 
the chambers on the 5th of July, that is to 



160 HISTORY OF THE 

say, a month after the promulgation of the 
charter. 

"In 1819, at the very period when a con- 
trary system prevailed in the chambers, it 
was loudly proclaimed that the periodical 
press was not regulated by the disposition of 
article 8. This truth is further attested by 
the very laws that have imposed on journals 
the condition of giving security. 

" At present, Sire, nothing remains but to 
ask how this return to the charter and the 
law of the 2 1 st of October, 1814, are to be ac- 
complished? The serious state of the pre- 
sent juncture resolves this question. 

" It is needless to trifle. We are no longer 
in the ordinary condition of a representative 
government. The principles on which it was 
established could not weather the storm in 
the midst of political vicissitudes. A turbu- 
lent democracy, which has wormed itself 
into our laws, aims at substituting itself for 
legitimate power. 

" It disposes of the majority of elections 
through the medium of its journals, and the 
concourse of numberless adoptions. It has 
paralysed, as much as it could, the regular 
exercise of the most essential prerogative of 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 161 

the crown, that of dissolving the electoral 
chamber. By this, the constitution of the 
state is shaken^ your Majesty alone has the 
power of re-establishing it on its basis. 

" The right, as much as the duty of main- 
taining it, is the inseparable attribute of 
sovereignty. No government upon earth 
could stand, if it had not the right of taking 
measures for its own safety. This power 
existed before the laws, because it is in the 
nature of things. These, Sire, are maxims 
sanctioned by the opinions of all the public 
characters of Europe. 

"But these maxims are still more posi- 
tively sanctioned by the charter itself. The 
14th article invests your Majesty with a 
power sufficient, not to change our institu- 
tions, but to consolidate them and render 
them more immutable. 

" Imperious necessity forbids the exercise 
of this supreme power to be any longer de- 
ferred. It is now the time to have recourse 
to measures which accord with the spirit of 
the charter, but which are out of its legal 
order; all other resources have been in vain 
jexhausted. 

" These measures, Sire, your ministers who 
o 2 



162 HISTORY OF THE 

assure you of success, do not hesitate to pro- 
pose to you, convinced that force will remain 
on the side of justice. 
" We are with the most profound respect, 
Sire, Your Majesty's 

most humble and very faithful subjects, 

Prince de Polignac, 
President of the Council of Ministers. 
Chantelauze, 
Keeper of the Seals of France^ Minister of 
Justice, 

Baron D'Hausez, 
Minister Secretary of State of the Marine 
and the Colonies, 

Count de Peyronnet, 
Minister Secretary of State of the Interior, 

MONTBEL, 

Minister Secretary of the State of Finances. 
Count de Guernon Ranville, 
Minister Secretary of the State of Ecclesi- 
astical Affairs and of Public Instruction. 
Baron Capelle, 
Minister Secretary of the State of Public 
Works:' 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 163 



CHAPTER VI. 

Anecdotes characterizing the gallant conduct of the 
French, during the three memorable days. 

It would be impossible to relate all the 
excellent traits of these three glorious clays; 
we will relate a ^^w of them, to illustrate the 
value of the pure patriotism, devotedness, 
and disinterestedness of the people, in their 
glory and in their dangers. 

Benoit, a gig-driver, without any other 
weapon than a sword, was the first in seiz- 
ing a piece of cannon that had been firing in 
Richelieu street. This brave fellow was 
carried astride the piece of cannon he had 
taken, amidst the shouts of his companions 
in arms, as far as the Exchange. 

An officer of the national guards ordered 
a labourer to prevent any person from carry- 
ing any thing away from the castle of the 
Tuileries: — ^^ Do not fear, captain; we have 
changed our government, but not our con- 
sciences." 

A boy of sixteen years, armed with a double 



164 HISTORY OF THE 

barrelled gun, and two pistols, was the first 
who opened the gates of the Louvre to the 
people. This gallant young man was riddled 
with wounds^ they carried him to the church 
of St. Germain I'Auxerrois, and from thence 
to the Hotel-Dieu, with the Swiss and other 
soldiers of the royal guards. We regret that 
we are not able to give his name. 

At one of the battles against the royal 
guards, the latter, being repulsed by the citi- 
zens, abandoned a piece of their cannon, 
which was left in an open field; but, at the 
same time, it was very dangerous to ap- 
proach it, on account of the firing. A 
pupil of the Polytechnic school, who was at 
the head of the citizens, ran and seized the 
piece in his arms. " This is ours," cried he, 
" I will keep it: I will die upon it, sooner 
than surrender it." Some person behind 
cried out to him: — ^^ The brave are dear to 
us; you will be killed; come back to us." 
The young man would not listen to them, 
but embraced the piece more closely, not- 
withstanding a shower of balls that rained 
around him. At last the royal guards were 
forced to fall back, by the fire of the citizens. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 165 

who advanced upon the ground, arrived at 
the piece, and saved the brave boy who had 
seized it. 

The attack on the Louvre, made in front 
by the patriotic band, advancing from the 
faubourg St. Germain, was greatly assisted 
by another division, that fired from the op- 
posite side of the river, from the bridge of 
Arts to the royal bridge, against the Swiss, 
who retreated on the castle of the Tuileries. 
This division, after arriving at the royal 
bridge, sustaining for more than half an 
hour the fire of the castle and guard house, 
and surmounting, finally, every obstacle, 
penetrated into the Tuileries, continuing to 
fire at those who were in full retreat. 

We cannot praise too much the conduct of 
M. Joubert, who bore the tricoloured flag in 
the van of the band, and who planted it at 
the entrance of the bridge, under a hot 
and tremendous cannonade. This was the 
same flag that had been hoisted on the top 
of the belfrey by these brave defenders — 
viz: Messrs. Thomas, Guinard and Gauja. 

Every witness of this action also praises 
the conduct of Messrs. Picard (a veteran). 



166 HISTORY OF THE 

Boinvilliers, Bastide, Levasseur, Cavaignac, 
Dupont, Drolling. 

There were 600 wounded, carried to the 
hospital of Beaujon. 

The post of the Swiss des Ecuries, con- 
sisting of about sixty men, was reduced at 
three o'clock to twenty-eight. Twenty brave 
fellows attacked it without relaxation, from 
eight o'clock in the morning. 

The French soldiers would not be execu- 
tioners. In the reign of Charles IX. the 
viscount d'Orthes did not thus find the 
troops under his command. So have a 
great number of the officers of the guard 
thought, during the first days of the glorious 
struggle. These brave fellows know better 
the true point of honour, than the executors 
of ministerial works. Many of them, after 
having at first imprudently yielded to the 
usual passive obedience, nobly sent in their 
resignation the next day, against the atro- 
cious and infamous orders that had been ad- 
dressed to them and summed up, by M. de 
Polignac, in these ferocious and surprising 
words: — ^' Fire where you will and where 
you can." 

One of them. Count Raoul de la Tour du 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 167 

Pin, sent with his resignation, the following 
letter, addressed to Polignac. This letter 
will remain as a monument of the true senti- 
ments with which it will never be permitted 
to a worthy soldier to abjure the empire. 

" My Lord, 

" After a day of massacre and disaster, un- 
dertaken against all divine and human laws, 
I have not taken a part in it without re- 
proaching myself; my conscience imperious- 
ly forbids my obeying a moment longer. 

" I have given during my life, a sufficient 
number of proofs of my attachment to the 
king, for him to permit me, without having 
my intentions slandered, to distinguish that 
which comes from him, from the atrocities 
committed in his name. I have the honour 
to request you my lord to lay my resignation 
of the office of captain of the guards, under 
the eyes of his Majesty. 

" I have the honour to be, sir, your excel- 
lency's most humble and obedient servant. 
Signed, 
" The Count Raoul de Latour du Pin. 
« July QSth, 1830." 

M. de Chateaubriand, was walking on the 



168 HISTORY OF THE 

30th, from the street du Coq-saint-Honor6, 
to the chamber of Peers. He was recog- 
nised. Immediately the mob collected around 
him, crying, " Vive Chateaubriand! Vive le 
defen§eur de la liberte de lapresseT* In a mo- 
ment Chateaubriand was borne in triumph, 
ai)tl carried to the gates of the chamber of 
Peers. 

M. Mole, who entered the chamber at the 
same time with Chateaubriand, was sa- 
luted with the most lively acclamations. 

It was remarked that strangers, Russians, 
English, and Germans, gave all the assist- 
ance in their power, to the defenders of the 
charter. They received them in their own 
houses when they were wounded; they 
brought them refreshments and food; in 
fact, all Europe took some part in the me- 
morable day of the 29th of July. 

M. Bavoux, prefect of the police, being 
informed on the 29th, that the victors, too 
generous to dishonour their victory, had 
thrown with indignation into the Seine, the 
vessels of gold and silver which they found 
in the Archbishop's palace, gave orders to 
the mariners to rake the bottom of the 
river. This was immediately done, and all 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 169 

the things were on the same day at the po- 
lice office. 

The Archbishop of Paris was arrested on 
the 30th, at the moment he was about to fly; 
carrying with him a great quantity of jewels, 
and five hundred thousand francs in gold, in 
his coach. 

One would have thought that the zeal of 
the French youth for the study of the sci- 
ences, letters and laws, might have given 
them some confidence in the success of the 
abominable projects which were defeated by 
the heroism of the Parisians. But the young 
men set the most glorious examples of pa- 
triotism and courage. Honour to the pupils 
of the Polytechnic school I These were the 
young heroes who captured from the royal 
troops the first pieces of cannon, on the left 
bank of the Seine. They achieved their vic- 
tory with as much skill as intrepidity. 

There is opposite the Louvre, under the 
colonnade, and opposite the church of St. 
Germain I'Auxerrois, a plain surrounded by 
a simple barricade of wood; in a corner of 
this place, and on the side towards the Seine, 
were buried on the morning of the 30th, the 

p 



170 HISTORY OF THE 

remains of the heroic citizens, who, on the 
days of the 28th and 29th, lost their lives 
in the attack of the Louvre. 

Two large ditches were dug, in which 
about eighty dead bodies were inhumated be- 
tween two layers of quick-lime^ the dead 
were carried in large waggons, and buried 
one after another. The military conferred 
upon them all the honours due to soldiers 
and to Christians; they fired a round over 
this vast sepulchre, and called a priest of the 
church of St. Germain TAuxerrois, to per- 
form the funeral service. This was the abbe 
Paravey, who came in his sacerdotal gar- 
ments, and blessed the soil of the dead; the 
national guard accompanied him home to 
his door. The next day on this bed of glo- 
rious slumber, was erected a large cross of 
wood, to which was appended this concise 
funeral inscription: 

" To the French who died for Liberty. ^^ 

Parisians and strangers often visit this 
modest tomb with tenderness, and strew it 
with garlands, wreathed with evergreens and 
laurels. 

The court, confident of success and despis- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 171 

ing' the opinions about popular courage, could 
not preserve for even two days a firm and de- 
termined attitude. On the 30th, the duke of 
Mortemar presented himself at the H6tel-de- 
Ville as bearer of a despatch from Charles X. 
to general Lafayette, at 5 in the afternoon. 
The general took the letter smiling and said: 
" I presume there vy^ill be no indiscretion in 
reading this aloud." The duke made an 
humble bow, and the general read the royal 
message. Charles X, in this letter, appoint- 
ed Casimir Perrier, minister of finances, ge- 
neral Gerard for aff*airs of war, and Dupin for 
those of justice. Lafayette was himself held 
in the generalship of the national guard; 
the Bourbons accepted besides many conse- 
quences of the revolution. The general mere- 
ly replied that he was commissioned to watch 
over the public safety, of which duty he 
would acquit himself, but that he was not 
commissioned to have any dealings with 
Charles X. 

On the 29th, as soon as the detachment of 
the line that occupied the station of the Ab- 
baye had surrendered their arms to the na- 
tional guards of the eleventh legion, Mr. Su- 
berbie, one of them, gave them refreshments ^ 



172 HISTORY OF THE 

at the hou3e of M. Dumas, a wine merchant 
at the corner of Rue de Boucheries, as he 
also did to two deserters who were set at li- 
berty, and whom he incorporated in one of 
the detachments of the eleventh legion which 
was marching to the attack of the Tuileries. 
An Englishman who witnessed the general 
energy said to him: " Sir, the valour that 
the French display to regain their liberty, 
will be the admiration of all people.*'— Yes, 
answered the guard," and our provident wis- 
dom after the victory will merit the respect 
of kings." 

A tradesman whose apparel did not be- 
speak easy circumstances, and who on the 
28th, had co-operated, from 5 o'clock in the 
morning in seizing several posts, had not 
eaten a morsel at three in the evening. A 
young man offered him 100 sous. — ^" Sir,*' 
answered the tradesman, " I do not fight for 
money 5 but I thankfully accept of 10 sous to 
buy myself a morsel of bread.*' 

It was a doleful spectacle, on the 30th, to 
see, a large boat covered with a black pavil- 
lion, floating below the Morgue, whence they 
let down on handbarrows, the dead who filled 
the halls of that mournful edifice. Some 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 173 

were in loosely nailed coffins, which the 
slightest shock would burst open, others 
were all nakedj they were ranged in piles, 
covered with straw and sprinkled over with 
quicklime, to neutralize the effects of putre- 
faction. The crowd on the breastwork of 
the Seine, in contemplating this funeral em- 
barcation, appeared congealed with horror. 
Violent imprecations of the people occasion- 
ally interrupted the solemn silence. The mo- 
thers of the dead shed tears, others more 
happy embraced their children whose tender 
age had prevented them from bearing arms 
in this sanguinary combat. At some paces 
further on, a convoy of the wounded was car- 
ried by. They were surrounded by specta- 
tors who shouted out " long live liberty and 
our country.'* They put back the crowd 
from around them, in order to let them 
breathe more freely, and those who passed 
respectfully took off their hats. 

At the taking of the Castle, a schoolboy, 
who was at the head of some armed citizens, 
went up to the iron gate, when a superior 
officer advanced. " Open the gate," cried the 
beardless chieftain, " unless you want to be 
all exterminated: liberty and strength de- 
p 2 



174 HISTORY OF THE 

clare for the people." The officer refused 
to open, and drew out his pistol; it missed 
fire. The boy, in possession of all his pre- 
sence of mind, instantly seized the officer by 
the breast, and pointing his sword at him, 
exclaimed : " Now, sir, your life is in my 
hand; I could at this moment pierce your 
heart, but I have no thirst after blood." The 
officer, affected by this act of generosity tore 
off the military ornaments he wore and pre- 
sented them to his noble enemy, exclaiming, 
" Brkvo, my gallant boy, no one is more 
worthy than you to carry these emblems of 
honour; receive them from my hand; as a 
superior officer, I enjoyed the credit of my 
rank up to this moment, and I am sure it 
will be continued to you." 

On the 30th day, at the Exchange, two men 
of the working class, were posted as guards 
on the Swiss and royal guards who had been 
taken prisoners, whose life had been gene- 
rously granted. " We have not eaten a mor- 
sel these twelve hours," said the workmen. 
Immediately M. Darmaing, chief editor of 
the Gazette des Tribunaux, who happened to be 
present, gave them 5 francs, saying " friends, 
go eat something, and I will take your place 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 175 

till you return.*' They seemed to hesitate. 
" Take it, (said he) for among us every thing 
is in common." The workmen then accept- 
ed it, went off, and returning in a quarter of 
an hour, gave him back 55 sous in change 
with many thanks. 

Charles X. wished to distribute crosses of 
honour among the royal guards who had re- 
turned to St. Cloud, on the 29th, after having 
massacred their brethren. The soldiers, to 
whom he offered them, refused to receive 
them, being ashamed to accept a reward so 
badly merited. 

The last act of Charles X. was a decree 
for the dissolution of the Polytechnic school. 
Napoleon once said: — ^" The Polytechnic 
school is my hen that lays golden eggs." 
To-day the nation realizes this expression, 
so spiritually true. 

A very characteristic episode of the popu- 
lar heroism of the revolution, happened on 
the morning of the 28th, in St. Honore street; 
a woman of thirty or thirty-five was shot 
dead by a bullet, in the middle of her fore- 
head. A baker's boy with legs and arms 
naked, a man of colossal stature and of Her- 
culean muscle, was struck with horror at this 



176 HISTORY OF THE 

sight. He took up the dead body and carry- 
ing it on his head, brought it to the Place de 
Victoire, shouting as he went along, — re- 
venge! revenge! There, after having laid it 
on the ground at the pedestal of the statue of 
Louis XIV. he harangued the multitude 
with an energy that electrified every heart. 
Then taking up the corpse again, he carried 
it SLWSiy to the station of the body guard, at 
the bank near the Place de Victoire, and on 
his approaching the soldiers at the gate, he 
threw down his bleeding burden before them, 
exclaiming:—" See how your comrades treat 
our women! will you do the like?'* " No," 
cried one of the soldiers, passionately grip- 
ping his hand, " but come with arms!" The 
other soldiers turned pale, and big tears start- 
ed in the eyes of the officers. A few mo- 
ments after, as they were complaining to an 
officer of the number of citizens killed by 
the royal guard, he was heard to say these 
words, in a significant tone, — ^' Kill me, kill 
me: death is preferable to a situation like 
mine." 

Polignac*s wife arrived at Versailles on 
Monday morning, at eleven o'clock, August 
2d, from her house at Millemont. Her car- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 177 

riage was stopped, and a workman, going up 
to the door of it, told her with sadness, show- 
ing her the people in arms:—" See what a 
state your husband has reduced us to; but 
go on, we will not avenge ourselves on wo- 
men.'* The carriage proceeded without fur- 
ther obstacle. 

An Englishman, Mr. Knight, who put up 
at the Hotel-Meurice, had constantly fought 
on the side of the people during the days of 
the 28th and 29th. His valour and enthu- 
siasm animated the citizens so much, that 
they chose him, unanimously, for their cap- 
tain. This gallant stranger conducted them 
to the fire with an unparalleled ardour, and 
never gave up the command he so well de- 
served, till tranquillity was entirely restored. 
Such acts do honour at once to both na- 
tions, and show how much the conduct of 
the French inspires strangers with confi- 
dence. 

Suche, a stove maker, was watching 
over the tranquillity of his own district, 
when it was told to him that two of his 
brothers were killed in Rue St. Honore; in- 
stantly seizing his gun, he flew to the place, 



178 HISTORY OF THE 

and fought desperately from morning till 
night. 

Justice ought to be done to the conduct of 
general de Wals, ex-commandant of the 
Place de Paris. He ordered the line not to 
fire upon the citizens, but when they should 
be attacked, to fire in the air. The officers 
of the 53d gave the same orders. 

The gallant conduct of the people of Chail- 
lot, deserves notice. Seventy-five of these 
brave men, led on by Suche and Villemain, 
after having disarmed three posts, stood the 
fire of five regiments of the guard who want- 
ed to force a retreat through the barrier of 
Passy. More than eighty prisoners fell into 
their hands. 

It is well known at present, who was the 
man that hoisted the first national flag on 
the towers of Notre Dame^ he carried it the 
whole morning in a scarf. His name is 
Petit Jean (little John), No. 30, Rue de 
I'Echiquierj it was thought he belonged to 
the bar of Paris. He rallied under his com- 
mand, a little troop of valiant citizens, and 
the tocsin he caused to be rung, gathered in 
a few moments 300 men, among whom he 
distributed 500 cartridges. At the head of 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 179 

this little army, which he harangued with all 
the eloquence of patriotism, this intrepid 
chief went through every spot where the 
battle was bloodiest, especially at the Place 
la Greve and the quays, where the royal 
guard were letting off tremendous fires. He 
had the misfortune to see great numbers of 
his friends fall around him; but by his per- 
severing resistance, he contributed power- 
fully to the success of the national cause on 
the bloody day of the 28th. The compa- 
nions of his glory and of his dangers are 
anxious to pay a tribute to his conduct on 
that bloody day. 

A workman while fighting in the suburb 
of Montmartre, under a burning sun, was thus 
addressed by Dr. Samuel who had established 
his rounds under the gate:*—" Come,my brave 
fellow, take some refreshments." — " No, sir," 
said the labourer, "my brother was killed 
yesterday, and I have sworn to eat but 
bread and drink but water, till his death be 
avenged." 

They quote a good saying of a veteran of 
Rue Notre-dame-des-Victoires. 

" You have then surrendered your arms," 
said a neighbour— " surrendered my arms!" 



180 HISTORY OF THE 

cried the brave man — ^^* No, I only lent 
them." "m 

A brazier's boy, liamed Richard, and 
Dubois, an old blacksmith, fought on the 
31st of July, between Sevres and Versailles 
against twenty cuirassiers of the royal guard j 
they dismounted two soldiers and returned to 
Paris upon their horses. 

In the affair of the 28th July, at the time 
when the resistance was not well organized, 
in the square of the Hotel de Ville, a young 
man who bore a standard on the head of his 
lance, thinking he perceived some hesitation 
among the Parisian troops, advanced within 
ten paces of the royal guard, saying to his 
comrades: "I will teach you how to die I'* 
He fell in an instant pierced with numbers 
of balls. 

■ jOn the same day, a youth of 15 years ad- 
vanced, in the midst of a fire of grape shot 
and musketry, very near one of the officers of 
the cavalry that protected the cannon, and 
discharging a pistol at him fractured his 
skull. A volley was instantly poured upon 
him; but the youth foreseeing what would 
happen, fell prostrate, and afterwards arising 
escaped safe and sound. Perceiving that he 



rHENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 181 

had left his cap behind, he returned to the 
post without hesitation and came back with- 
out receiving any injury. 

On the 30th July, tranquillity was perfect- 
ly established; and Paris after three glorious 
days of contest for the liberty of France, pre- 
sented the most admirable spectacle; it was 
at the same time a camp and a city, a siege 
and a festival. Some were constructing and 
repairing barracks, others sung and revel- 
led; every thing was calm and smiling, every 
thing was grave and therefore solemn; large 
guns were seen in the hands of young men 
of 20 years, who used them like old soldiers; 
soldiers were formerly met with, but now are 
seen honest labourers, who, apparelled in 
brilliant cuirasses and gilded helmets, march 
around the city as conquerors, but without* 
abusing their triumph. Each body of guards 
belonged to the national guard; it was every 
where. 

Watchmen patrolled the streets, which 
freed from the enemy's fire, were illumi- 
nated during the night; no disorder broke 
out. In the Tuileries nothing was disturb- 
ed. From the Archbishop's palace they took 
nothing but some linen to be carried to the 

Q 



182 HISTORY OF THE 

Hotel Dieu. At the Museum the mob tore 
only the scriptural paintings; all the others 
were respected. The citizens were in the 
streets or at their windows; every one gaily 
passed the nightf the men reading the jour- 
nals; the women preparing lint on their 
thresholds, or administering comfort to the 
wounded in their houses, proud and consoled 
by the idea of having saved their country. 
The art of war was not forgotten in this 
great circumstance; all the hospitals without 
exception were open for the wounded, and 
the surgeons of these establishments emu- 
lated each other in zeal and devotedness in 
giving immediate succour to the victims of 
the bloody struggle between liberty and op- 
pressive power. Medical ambulances were 
established in every quarter where there was 
a battle, and the house of every physician be- 
came a place of succour for the wounded. In 
this general emulation for doing good, the 
Hotel Dieu was particularly distinguished. 
Situated in the centre of Paris and in the 
neighbourhood of the most sanguinary af- 
fray, it afforded succour to more than IGOO 
wounded, and took in more than 500. 

Every thing appeared to have been pre- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 183 

pared, as if by enchantment, for a vast medi- 
cal ambulance. The young surgeons follow- 
ing the Utters, removed the wounded out of 
the reach of the musket fire; they who had 
received only slight wounds, were dressed 
under the vestibule by the care of Messrs. 
Legros and Jobert, assistants in the clini- 
cal department; they who were more seri- 
ously wounded, and proper subjects for the 
hospital, were carried to chambers, where 
they received the best care from numerous 
surgeons; among whom were Messrs, Du- 
puytren, Breschet, and Samson, chief, and 
Messrs. Meniere, Moux, Guerin, Robert, 
&c. Sec. secondary, surgeons of the hospi- 
tal. All the succours were prepared by 
the care of Mr. Dupuytren, who remained 
with his fellow-labourers, during three days 
and nights, at this post of honour and duty. 

It was a sight truly interesting, to behold 
our fellow citizens who were occupied the 
day before in peaceful affairs, suddenly trans- 
formed into heroes. 

We should not forget to mention Mr. Des- 
porte, manager of Hotel Dieu, who seemed 
to be in every place where his presence 
might be necessary at the same moment. 



184 HISTORY OF THE 

These three great days presented some mov- 
ing episodes. Brothers recognised their 
brothers in the opposite^ ranks; a soldier 
killed his father; the soldiers and the 
Swiss, were generously saved; the women 
and children took part in the combats; 
young men isolated from the rest, placed 
themselves in ambush behind the corners of 
the streets, and fired upon whole regiments; 
a pupil of the Polytechnic school took a can- 
non upon the place de Greve, under which 
he lay down until his comrades came to his 
aid. One of these brave fellows fell asleep 
on a matrass destined for the wounded; his 
sleep was so profound, that he did not awake 
till they carried him into the Hotel de Ville; 
the people took of their hats as he passed, 
as was customary when a corse passed by. 
It was an afflicting sight to see wheelbar- 
rows loaded with the dead, who were covered 
with large wounds. 

Old men, and such as were young in 93, 
were astonished at the three days which ori- 
ginated in the provocation of the ministry, 
and terminated in the triumph of the people. 
" Never," said they, " have we viewed such 
a combat." The most furious combats of 
the people in the revolution of 89, did not 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 185 

last more than one day. After this, how 
trifling appeared the struggles of '89 and '93, 
when compared with those of the 27th and 
29th of July! In this latter period there 
were no proscriptions, no murders, no usurp- 
ed power, no profaned temples^ and to cele- 
brate the victory, funerals without pomp and 
a cross of wood, opposite the colonnade of the 
Louvre, of which the Parisians were so 
proud, that the Swiss guards were ordered 
to mutilate it, on account of which action 
the former have cause to be prouder than 
ever of it. 

At the sight of so many wonderful opera- 
tions, so unanimous and with so few efforts, 
one would be tempted to say " It was writ- 
ten!" Might it not be said, that France is 
placed under the spell of a happy and power- 
ful fatality, which wrests her spontaneously 
from all despotism, and which, when she is 
in want of its aid either to raise or break 
down thrones, invariably and justly never re- 
fuses her assistance. 

The provisional government decided that 

a pension of 500 francs should be granted to 

the widows and children of the brave fellows 

who perished in the defence of liberty, and 

q2 



186 HISTORY OF THE 

that a pension of 300 francs should be grant- 
ed to the wounded. 

One of the national guards, named Jeanis- 
son, proprietor of the baths of St Guillaume, 
took the street of Richelieu, from the cojffee- 
house of Minerva, where he established a 
battery. 

On the 31st, the court despatched some 
royal troops to arrest the duke of Orleans at 
Neuilly, where they learned that he had de- 
parted for Paris, during the night; the king 
immediately issued an ordinance declaring 
the prince an outlaw^ and ordering all his 
subjects to fall upon him. 

Two lieutenant-generals by the name of 
Gerard, distinguished themselves in the 
great national movement. One, the count 
Gerard, general of the infantry, deputy and 
minister of war; the other, baron Gerard, 
inspector-general of the cavalry, and one of 
our best officers of the light cavalry. 

The revolution of July, 1830, was signal- 
ized by every trait of devotedness and noble- 
ness. The conduct oi the duke of Choiseul 
in the moment of danger, and after the vic- 
tory, will remain as a model of patriotism 
and self denial. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 187 

" To the Inhabitants of the City of Paris. 
" Messieurs, 

"A proclamation signed by the generals 
Lafayette, Gerard, and the duke of Choiseul, 
under the title of members of the provisional 
government, and having accepted this office^ 
this was placarded on the 28th of July, and 
the days following, on the walls of Paris. 

" The result was then uncertain; the strug- 
gle commenced; the signers were in immi- 
nent danger in case of the royal army being 
victorious; our punishment would have fol- 
lowed the victory. 

" My name undoubtedly appeared useful; 
my consent was not even asked. I was a 
nothing, I commanded nothing; the only 
risk was for myself; I was silent: I should 
have thought myself a coward to tell the 
truth, since there was question of nothing 
but my head; and I felicitated myself, that the 
benevolence, with which I was honoured by 
the Parisian guard, and my fellow-citizens, 
might have been of some service. 

" Now that the victory is no longer doubt- 
ful, I am bound in conscience to declare, that 



188 HISTORY OF THE 

I never took any part in the provisional go- 
vernment, and that such a proposition was 
never made to me. I risked in silence, every 
danger in the hour of battle, I owe a tribute 
to truth in the hour of victory. 

" The Duke of Choiseul, 
" Peer of France, ancient Colonel of the First 
Legion, and Ex-Major of the Parisian 
National Guard. 

" Paris, Jlug. I.ISZO." 



FRENCH REVOI^lh'ION OF 1830. 189 



HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS 

CONCERNING THE DAYS OF THE 27TH, 28TH, 
29th and 30tH JULY. 

The details which follow are extracts from 
letters of reports, and pieces of which the 
originals are curious; these pieces appear to 
have been lost in the disorder of the retreat. 
The state in which the most part of them 
were found, proves that they had fallen into 
the dirt. The first is a little billet without 
date, and without any precise direction, con- 
taining these words: — ^' We must demand 
from the minister, a supply calculated in 
such manner, that each regiment, count- 
ing what remains for it, may be supplied 
with fifty cartridges per man.'* 

The following appears in a letter of the 
28th July, to a colonel of infantry of the 
royal guard. 

" Colonel, — The major general of the re- 
giment authorizes you to distribute to-day, 
at your own expense, the quantity of wine 
you think necessary for the troops under 



190 HISTORY OF THE 

your orders^ the expenses will be refunded 
to you." 

It appears that on the 28th, the resistance 
of Paris did not permit the rations of bread 
in sufficient quantity to be distributed to the 
troops. The duke of Ragusa wrote on this 
subject to Charles X. The following is the 
answer that he received from St. Cloud, on 
the same day, at half past eleven at night: 

" I have the honour of forwarding your 
letter to his Majesty. According to his or- 
ders, the chamberlain has employed all the 
men in his service, in baking the bread you 
stand in need of. I asked for 30000 rations. 

" I believe that it will not be difficult to 
obtain half of it during the night. I have 
also commanded 25000 rations from Ver- 
sailles. Notwithstanding these two com- 
mands, I fear that the bread will not reach 
you before ten o'clock in the morning." 

The rest of the letter relates to military 
affairs, and the disposal of the troops. From 
this also it appears, that there was no guard 
occupying the barrier des Bons Hommesj 
none to protect the route from St. Cloud; 
that the captains of the guards should, on 
the next morning, join at St. Cloud their 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 191 

four companies; that the king had given or- 
ders that one battalion of the young men of 
Saint Cyr, and six pieces of cannon should 
be despatched to St. Cloud on the 29th at three 
o'clock in the morning. The artillery, sup- 
ported by the infantry of the guards, mixed 
with some companies of the young men of St. 
Cyr, was to be employed in defending the 
bridges. The signer of the letter announces 
to the marshal that he ordered the captains 
of the guards to place two detachments at 
Sevres for the purpose of acting on the left 
bank of the Seine; that the detachments at 
St. Cloud should communicate by the bridge 
of Crenelle, with those of Sevres; that he 
placed watches on the wood of Boulogne 
as well as the road to Neuilly and that to 
Versailles, where there had been some 
gatherings. 

On the 28th, 244 litres of wine were dis- 
tributed among the troops of the guard sta- 
tioned on the Carousel. This distribution 
was made for the service of the king, says the 
letter. 

The sum of 18,241 fr. 40 c. was to have 
been distributed on Thursday, the 29th of 
July, by order of the king. It appears by 



192 HISTORY OF THE 

this letter that on the day alluded to, only 
10,000 francs were paid. A bond for the 
payment of 25,000 was delivered for the 
sixth regiment of the guard. Lastly, another 
bond for the sum of 8000 francs, destined for 
the fifth regiment of the line, states that it was 
to be put to the account of a gratuity of one 
month and a half over pay, which his ma- 
jesty graciously vouchsafed to grant to the 
army by his order issued on the 20th of 
July, 1830. 

This order of the day has not yet reached 
us; it is a historical document of high im- 
portance, when we consider its object, and the 
terms in which it is couched. 

Thus, wine to banish reason; gold to stifle 
the voice of conscience and the cries of hu- 
manity; bullets to exterminate the people of 
Paris; such were the last memorials and 
farewell-offerings of Charles X. to the 
French people. 

On the subject of the revolution, there ex- 
ists the greatest variety of opinions, the ma- 
jority of mankind, however, is inclined to be- 
lieve that the present form of government 
will result neither in the happiness nor the 
glory of the French nation. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 18^0. YJ! 

The whole is an illegitimate and confused 
proceeding-, tending rather to degrade than 
to meliorate the condition of the people, 
under whose special sanction and ardent 
wish, the present system is pompously pre- 
tended to have been modelled. 

At present the government appears so per- 
plexed and perpetually liable to fluctuations 
from the slightest cause, that we can scarce 
look upon it as any thing else than an inter- 
regnum — a garment suited for a stormy day 
which may be shuffled off" on the abatement 
of the tempest. 

Should a monarchical form be eventually 
adopted, we can perceive but two competi- 
tors for the throne, the duke of Bordeaux 
and Napoleon; the one by right of inherit- 
ance according to the constitution of Louis 
XVIII. the other by the legitimate choice of 
the people. How things may eventuate, it is 
impossible to predict, though it is not diffi- 
cult to infer from all circumstances that no 
member of the Capet family can long occu- 
py the throne of France. We have no de- 
sire to canvass the respective claims of these 
candidates, but the great preponderancy of 
sentiments and gratitude appears to us to be 

R 



194 HISTORY OF THE 

on the side of the son of the august Emperor, 
Can the French have forgotten their golden 
age of glory and freedom? Can they ever for- 
get the Jupiter of France whose eagles never 
bore a bolt that vi^as not aimed at her ene- 
mies and slavery, and whose thunders re- 
sounded from the pyramids of Egypt to the 
towers of Moscoav? Can a grateful people 
permit the son of the idolized Napoleon to 
linger in painful exile from his native land 
rendered iso illustrious by his father, while a 
stranger of a despotic family flourishes a 
sceptre over them? 

As an opinion, emanating from a source 
so unexceptionable and illustrious as that of 
the Count de Survilliers, the cherished bro- 
ther and bosom friend of the Emperor, must 
bear much weight, we hasten to lay before 
our readers a translation of his letter to an 
officer^ of which, though not originally intend- 
ed for publication, we have been politely fa- 
voured with a copy from Point Breeze, in 
the French language. 

" To Mr, L. formerly a French officer of the Re- 
public and the Empire. 

" Sir, — I have received the letter in which 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 195 

you tender your services to accompany me 
to Europe, in case that circumstances should 
require my presence; nothing but duty could 
cause me to leave this country. Like my 
brother Napoleon, I have adopted the motto 
* all for the French^ therefore with regard to 
the nation I have only duties to fulfil, and no 
right to exercise whether in my own name or 
in that of my nephew. Governments are a 
necessity of the people, who can either erect 
or demolish them, according to their degree 
of utility: I am therefore resigned to conform 
to the will of the nation, when legitimately 
expressed. You are well aware that three 
million five hundred thousand votes called 
my family to the empire, at a period when 
foreigners had no influence in France; you 
may well conceive that I cannot, without 
apathy, forget that my nephew, the son of 
my brother, was proclaimed by the chamber 
of deputies in 1815; that the Emperor abdi- 
cated only on that condition; that the bayo- 
nets of strangers alone twice brought back 
the Bourbons, and assisted at the executions 
of so many illustrious champions of the coun- 
try. 

" I should have started before this, had I 



196 HISTORY OF THE 

not seen among the national names of the 
members of the provisional government, that 
of a prince vs^ith whom mine shall never be 
connected; convinced that a Bourbon, what- 
ever branch he may belong to, is not suit- 
able for my country. I have repeatedly told 
you, that the only house in France, which the 
nation does not, and cannot wish for, is the 
house of Bourbon; had that family loved 
France, and known that its divorce was to be 
eternal, it would long since have renounced 
every pretension to the throne; this divorce 
was sealed by enough of French and foreign 
blood during twenty-five years, without its 
being necessary for it to cause the effusion, a 
second time, of the blood of the Parisians, 
beneath the mercenary steel of the Swiss. 

" The great destiny of the revolution is 
not yet decided: the Emperor Napoleon 
thought that enough of blood had been shed 
in the interior of France; he desired to close 
every wound, he opened the country to all 
those whom he considered as tired of civil 
war as he was himself; he sincerely wished 
for equality, and deferred the entire liberty 
of the country for a general peace. When an 
immense and dictatorial power was no longer 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 197 

requisite to resist the allied powers of Eu- 
rope, always roused by the rivalship of Eng- 
land and the oligarchy of its ministry, he de- 
sired to conclude tlie revolution; presented 
himself as mediator in France, as moderator 
in Europe; England alone compelled him, 
by the wars she incessantly provoked, to 
achieve conquests which she subsequently 
denounced, and of which she alone was the 
guilty cause, and ended by blasting in France 
all the fruit of thirty years of heroism and 
victory, by imposing this family of the good 
old times, on a regenerated nation. 

" As long as there will be any question in 
France, of a branch of that house, I will re- 
main where I am; my family does not, nor 
ever did it, desire a civil war. If the nation 
had declared for a republic, you know my 
sentiments — they are of an old date — happy 
the people to whom I could have applied 
them without peril. You may remember 
what I have often told the Spaniards: * You 
never could have so much liberty as I would 
wish to give you, but it is requisite to pos- 
sess the power of supporting it; time is a 
necessary element for every thing.' 

" It is affirmed that our youth have made 
R 2 



198 HISTORY OF THE 

great progress towards the doctrines of re- 
publicanism. Government is indubitably a 
remedy for an evil; happy the country which 
is prudent enough to do without it; we 
scarcely perceive a vestige of it in the coun- 
try where we have so long resided — but can 
this be well applied to France? and is it not 
the irritation, occasioned by the absurd pre- 
tensions of rulers who have lain as an incu- 
bus upon her these fifteen years, that has 
stimulated these generous young men to a 
degree of enthusiasm, perhaps beyond what 
suits the rest of their fellow citizens and the 
tranquillity of Europe, at the present day. 

" There remains a third hypothesis, in 
which case I would be called by honour, by 
duty, by all I owe to emancipated France, to 
Napoleon II., to the son of a brother whom 
I am bound to love and respect, more than 
any one on earth; because I knew him from 
his infancy better than any one, and because 
I am certain of the truth of his sentiments 
and his opinions. When dying on the rock 
of St. Helena, he told me through the pen of 
general Bertand, ' Let my son be directed by 
your counsels, let him never forget above all 
that he is a Frenchman, that France may en- 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 199 

joy as much liberty under his reign, as it did 
equality under mine; let him adopt my motto, 

* ALL FOR THE FrENCH.' 

" I have positive assurances that in spite of 
fortune, Napoleon II. is as good a French- 
man as either you or I; he will be worthy of 
France and his father. * * * * 

" Joseph count de Survilliers. 
" Paint Breeze, Sept. Uth, 1830." 



New symptoms of discontent are rapidly 
developing themselves in France, and resig- 
nations are handed in from all quarters. 
Many ministers, apprehensive of the over- 
throw of the Orleans dynasty, and a repeti- 
tion of the revolutionary drama, have thrown 
up their situations. If many more resign, it 
may be difficult for Louis Philip to find men 
adventurous enough to accept the vacant 
places. By an ordinance, dated November 
3d, he appointed Lafitte to be President of 
the Council and Minister of Finance, in the 
place of Baron Louis, resigned. The Mar- 
shal Marquis Maison, to be Minister of Fo- 
reign Affairs, in the place of Count Mole, re- 



200 HISTORY OF THE 

signed. Count Montalivet, to be Minister 
of the Interior, in the place of M. Guizot, re- 
signed. M. Merilhon, to be Minister of Pub- 
lic Instruction and Ecclesiastical Affairs, in 
the place of the Duke de Broglie, resigned. 
The other gentlemen composing the Council 
of Ministers, are M. Dupont de I'Eure, Mi- 
nister of Justice; Marshal Gerard, Minister 
of War; Count Sebastiani, Minister of Ma- 
rine. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 201 

Topographical Notice of Places referred to in 
the foregoing Chapters, 

RAMBOUILLET. 

A village and royal chateau, twelve miles 
from Paris. 

HOTEL DE VILLE. 

This edifice was erected in 1733, after the 
designs of an Italian architect, named Boc- 
caridora, sometimes called Cortonna. It is 
worthy the traveller*s attention on account 
of its antiquity, and the extraordinary scenes 
which it has witnessed. When Louis XVI. 
was brought from Versailles, he was ex- 
hibited to the populace from one of the win- 
dows of this mansion. Hither Robespierre 
retreated after he had been outlawed. In 
front of the Hotel de Ville is the famous 
lamp-iron, and within the building is pre- 
served the still more celebrated guillotine. 



PLACE DE GREVE. 

This square was the appointed scene of 
public executions. The ravages of the mur- 



202 HISTORY OF THE 

derous guillotine will long render it a place 
of interest. 



PLACE VENDOME. 

The name of this square is derived from 
Cesar de Vendome, for whom Henry IV. 
built an hotel in this quarter of the city. 
The miarquis de Louvais, in the reign of 
Louis XIV., wishing to form a communica^ 
tion between Rue St. Honore, and Rue-des- 
Petits-Champs, conceived the project of 
building a square in this place. 

The present square is 444 feet long and 
420 broad. The buildings which enclose it 
on three sides are uniform, and have a noble 
appearance. They are decorated with Corin- 
thian pillars, and on the ground floor is one 
continued covered gallery, pierced with ar- 
cades. In the middle was an equestrian sta- 
tue of Louis XIV. which gave way to a 
column 1 30 feet high, formed on the model 
of that of Antoninus, at Rome, and bearing a 
statue of Napoleon. The statue has been 
taken down, but the column remains. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 203 
THE LOUVRE. 

This is the most ancient of the royal pa- 
laces. It existed in the time of Philip Au- 
gustus, who surrounded it with towers and 
moats. 

The court of the Louvre presents a per- 
fect square, surrounded by buildings. Three 
were constructed by Perrauld. They are of 
the Corinthian order, and each has three 
projecting masses, the middle one of which 
is surrounded by a triangular pediment. 
The fourth building is of the Composite 
order, crowned by an attic. 



THE TUILERIES. 

This edifice derives its name from its 
being erected on a piece of ground appropri- 
ated to the manufacture of tiles. It was 
founded by Catharine de Medicis, when 
Charles IX. destroyed her former residence, 
the Palace Tournelles. 

The palace was much enlarged by Henry 
IV. and afterwards by Louis XIII. The 
front now consists of five pavilions, com- 



204 HISTORY OF THE 

prising that in the centre, with four ranges 
of buildings connecting them together, and 
forming one grand fagade. Every order of 
architecture is rendered subservient to the 
embellishment of this magnificent edifice^ 
but the Ionic pillars on the right of the ter- 
race particularly captivate the eye by their 
beautiful proportion and exquisite workman- 
ship. 



THE PALAIS ROYAL. 

This building is in form of a parallelo- 
gram, enclosing a large garden. It is of 
the most elegant modern architecture, little 
more than the foundation of the first palace 
remaining. It is surmounted by a parapet, 
decorated with immense stone vases of ex- 
quisite beauty, while pillars of the Ionic 
order form a series of arcades, through 
which are given the most pleasing prospects 
of the garden. 

The Palais Royal presents a very curious 
and amusing spectacle. Retaining the name 
of palace, with all the magnificence of royal- 
ty, it affords a scene of mingled splendour 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 205 

and poverty, beauty and deformity, luxury 
and misery, which defies all description. 
Under the arcades at one end is a double 
row of little shops, in which is the most 
beautiful and fanciful display of jewels, 
china, prints, books, ribands, clothes, and 
indeed of every possible luxury. Beneath 
are subterranean apartments, in one of which 
a motley assemblage is tripping it to the 
music of some wretched performer; in a 
second, an equally ill-assorted group are re- 
galing themselves with their favourite li- 
queurs, from the vin de Burgundie to simple 
small beer; in a third, a number of misera- 
ble objects are crowding around the hazard 
or the billiard table; and, if you dare venture 
into a fourth, you witness the most disgust- 
ing scenes of debauchery and vice. Ascend- 
ing once more to the arcades, the stranger 
admires the cleanly and elegant appearance 
of the restaurateurs, or taverns. The Eng- 
lish epicure can form no conception of the 
lich and almost innumerable dishes which 
there invite his taste. The coffee houses 
are convenient and elegant, and constantly 

fdled. 

s 



206 HISTORY OF THE 

BOULEVARDS. 

Paris is surrounded by the ancient and 
modern boulevards, comprising an extent of 
seven miles. 

The old boulevards to the north, called 
the great boulevards, were begun in 1531, 
and planted in 1660 with four rows of trees, 
which form three alleys; the middle for car- 
riages and horsemen, and the two side 
ones for foot passengers. Upon these walks 
are displayed every thing that can attract 
and interest the stranger. Theatres, coffee- 
houses, vauxhalls, magnificent hotels, and 
taverns, present themselves in constant suc- 
cession, while bands of music charm the 
ears, and puppet-shows and jugglers without 
nuinber divert the eyes. 

The old boulevards to the south, com- 
pleted in 1761, extended from the Observa- 
tory to the Hotel of Invalids, the walks of 
which are longer and wider than the others, 
and the trees thrive better. 



SAINT CLOUD. 

The village and palace of St. Cloud are 
situated about five miles from Paris, on the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 207 

banks of the Seine. This place derives its 
name from very remote antiquity. Clodoald, 
or St. Cloud, grandson of Clovis, having 
escaped when his brothers were murdered, 
retired to this place to escape the persecu- 
tion of his uncles, and founded a monastery 
at the village of Nogent, now called from 
him, St. Cloud. 

The palace of St. Cloud is justly cele- 
brated for its beautiful prospect, its gardens, 
its park, its magnificent cascades, and the 
master-pieces of painting and sculpture 
which it contains. 

The entrance to the palace is by an exten- 
sive court, composed of a great range of 
buildings, and a fagade 144 feet in length, 
and 72 in height. Two pavilions at the ex- 
tremity form the commencement of two 
wings less elevated. The ascent to the state 
apartments is by the grand staircase to the 
left, the pillars and balustrades of which are 
composed of the choicest marble. Four sa- 
loons have the following titles, and they are 
embellished by corresponding ornaments. 
The Saloon of Spring towards the garden, 
that of Summer on the side of the court, that 
of Autumn likewise towards the court, and 



208 HISTORY OF THE 

the Saloon of Winter facing the garden. All 
the apartments are adorned with a magnifi- 
cence becoming a royal residence. 



POLYTECHNIC SCHOOL. 

This school, which holds the most distin- 
guished rank among the establishments of 
this class, is intended to complete the educa- 
tion of the students who have rendered them- 
selves conspicuous in other institutions. For 
this purpose the most distinguished masters 
in every branch of science, are employed by 
the government. Every year a certain num- 
ber of scholars are admitted, after undergo- 
ing the most rigorous examination. The 
number of pupils amounts to 300. The 
usual course of study is three years. The 
school possesses an excellent philosophical 
and chemical apparatus, and a well-selected 
library, containing 10,000 volumes. Each 
pupil is allowed 200 livres per annum, by 
government. 

PONT DE NEUILLY. 

This village, situated on the road from 
Paris to St. Germain, upon the banks of the 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 209 

Seine, has acquired much celebrity on ac- 
count of its magnificent bridge, delightful 
gardens, and the interesting views which it 
commands. In 1606 there was simply a ferry 
at this village, but an event, which nearly 
terminated the life of Henry IV. and his 
suite, led to the construction of the bridge. 
The monarch was returning from St. Ger- 
main with his queen and several of his no- 
blesse. On approaching the river, the horses, 
frightened by a thunder storm, precipitated 
themselves into the water, dragging the 
vehicle into the deepest part; and had not 
the most timely assistance been given, that 
great king and his companions miust inevita- 
bly have perished. The bridge which was 
built upon this occasion only lasted thirty- 
five years; after which period the present 
superb structure was planned and executed, 
being 750 feet long, and composed of five 
arches, each 120 feet wide, and 30 feet in 
height. It was erected after the design of 
Perronnet. It was opened with great cere- 
mony in 1772. 

s 2 



210 HISTORY OF THE, &C. 

VINCENNES. 

The village of Vincennes is four miles and 
a half from Paris. It is of the remotest an- 
tiquity; and was inhabited by many of the 
early kings and queens of France. The 
palace, which was erected by Francis I., had 
the appearance, and possessed all the advan- 
tages, of a fortress, particularly that part de- 
nominated the dungeon. In this fabric 
Charles V. expired, and here the warlike 
Henry V. of England breathed his last in 
1422; nor is there a building more connect- 
ed with curious ancient historical incidents 
than the chateau now under review. Of 
more recent date may be seen the apart- 
ments wherein was confined the prince of 
Conde in 1617, and forty years after, the 
great Conde his son. Cardinal Mazarine 
also expired at Vincennes, in 1661; nor 
should the name of the celebrated Mirabeau 
be omitted, who was imprisoned four years 
within the walls of this building, during 
which period he wrote the admirable letters 
between Gabriel and Sophia. In one of the 
moats of this castle the duke D'Enghein was 
executed, and the ex-ministers were confined 
here, while awaiting their sentence. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830. 



211 



PEERS OF CHARLES X. 

The following are the ninety-three peers of France 
who have been disqualified from taking their seats 
under the new government, by the decision of the 
Chamber of Deputies : — 



Count de Villele, Arch- 
bishop of Bourges. 

Count de Chabons, Bishop 
of Amiens, 

Count Salmon du Chatel- 
lier. Bishop of Evereux. 

Count de Graramont de 
Aste. 

Count de Cheverus, Arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux. 

Count de Montblanc, Arch- 
bishop of Tours. 

Count de Brault, Arch- 
bishop of Alby, 

Count Morel de Mons, 
Archbishop of Avig- 
non. 

Count de Pins, Archbish- 
op of Amasie. 

Count de Divonne. 

Count de St. Aldegonde. 

Marquis de Monteynard. 

Count Eugene de Vogue. 

Count de Mostuejouls. 

Marquis de Mirepois-Le- 
vis. 

Count de Panis. 

Marquis de Neuville. 

Marquis de Conflans, 

Count de Bonneval. 



Marquis de Mac-Mahon. 
Baron de Grosbois. 
Count de Kergarion. 
Viscount Chifflet. 
Count d'Urre. 
Marquis de Radepont. 
Count de la Fruglaye. 
Count Budes de Guebriant. 
Marquis de Calviere. 
Viscount de Castlebajac. 
Duke d'Esclignac. 
Baron Sarret de Couspar- 

gues. 
Count de la Vieuville. 
Marquis de Lancosme. 
Count Ruze d'Effia^. 
Count de Quinsoras. 
Marquis de Froifsard. 
Marquis de Cotrtarvel. 
Count Humbert do Ses- 

maison. 
Marquis de Colbert. 
Marquis Aymar de Dam- 

pierre 
Count dJ Bernis. 
Marquis de Civrac. 
Count de Kergolay . 
Count de Tocqueville. 
Viscount de St. Maurie. 
Marquis de Bailly, 



212 



HISTORY OF THE 



Count d*Im6court. 
Count Dubotderu. 
Count d'HolFelize. 
Count de Caraman. 
Baron de Fr^uilly. 
Count de Choiseul. 
Prince D'Arenberg. 
Prince Duke de Berghes. 
Marquis de Traraecourt. 
Count de Bouille. 
Count de Pontgibaud. 
Count d'Andlau. 
Marquis d'Albon. 
Marquis de Beaurepaire. 
Count de la BouUerie. 
Count de la Panouze. 
Count Hocquart. 
Prince de Croi-Sobre. 
* Marshal Duke de Dal- 

matia. 
Marquis Ferbin des Is- 

sarts. 
discount Sapinand. 
C»unt de Lur-Saluces. 
Co*nt de Nansouty. 



Count de Peyronnet. 
Cardinal Duke d'lsoard. 
Archbishop of Auch. 
Duke de Cereste. 
Marquis de Puyvert. 
Baron de Vitrolles. 
Count Valee. 
Marquis de St. Mauris. 
Marquis de Levis. 
Count OUivier. 
Prince de Montmorency. 
Count de Maquill^. 
Count de Rouge. 
Marquis de Gourguas. 
Viscount de Causans, 
Marquis Desmonstiers de 

Merinville. 
Count de Suzannet. 
Count de Villele. 
Count de Corbi^res. 
Count Ravez. 
Marquis de Tourzel. 
Count de Labourdonnaye. 
Count Beugnot. 
* Admiral Duperre. 



* Thi Duke of Dalmatia and Admiral Duperre have 
been madi peers again by Louis Philip. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830, 21: 



THE 

TWO BRANCHES OF THE ROYAL FAMILY 

SINCE HENRY IV. 

HENRY IV., KING OF France, died in 1610. 

1st. DEGREE. 

Louis XIII., king of France, son of Henry IV., 
died in 1643. 
A 



\ 

Philip, duke of Or- 

Louis XIV., king of 2(J leans, brother to 

France, son of Louis u^gree Louis XIV., hus- 

XIII.; died in 1715. ' band of Henriette 

of England ; died in 
1701. 

Louis, called the Great Philip II., duke of Or- 

Dauphin, son to 3d leans, son of the pre- 

Louis XIV., died in degree, ceding, regent; died 
1711. in 1723. 

Louis, duke of Bur- Louis, duke of Orleans, 

gundy, dauphin, son 4th son of the preceding; 

of the preceding ; degree, died in 1785. 
died in 1712. 

Louis XV., king of Louis-Philip, duke of 

France, son of the 5 th Orleans, son of the 

preceding ; died in degree, preceding ; died in 
1774. 1785. 

Louis, dauphin, eon of Louis-Philip, (Ega- 

Louis XV.; died in 6th /^7d,)duke of Orleans, 
1765. degree, son of the preceding; 

Had three sons who guillotined in 1793. 
have reigned un- 
der the following 
names : 



214 HISTORY OF THE &C. 

Lours XVI., ^ 7th Louis Philip L king 

Louis XVIIL," > degree. ^^ ^^^ French, son 

Charles X,, ) of the preceding. 

Louis Aulhony, duke ^ 

of AngoLileme, son j 

of Charles X. ( 8 th 

Charles Fekdi- | degree. 

NAND, duke of I 

Berry. j 

•• 
Henry, duke of Bor- 9th 

deaux, son of the degree. 

duke of Berry. 



* Louis XVIL, son of Louis XVL, who died a child, 
does not augment the number of degrees of relation- 
ship. 



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